Abul A'la Maududi

1.1. Birth and Family Background

Maududi was born on 25 September 1903 (3 Rajab 1321 AH) in the city of Aurangabad in colonial India, which was then part of the princely state of Hyderabad. He was the youngest of three sons born to Ahmad Hasan, a lawyer by profession. His elder brother, Sayyid Abu'l Khayr Maududi (1899-1979), later became a notable editor and journalist.

Maududi's family lineage was rooted in the Chishti Order, with his surname derived from Khawajah Syed Qutb ul-Din Maudood Chishti (died 527 AH), the first member of the Chishti Silsilah. His paternal family had migrated from Chicht, in modern-day Afghanistan, during the era of Sikandar Lodi (died 1517), initially settling in Haryana before moving to Delhi. On his mother's side, his ancestor Mirza Tulak, a soldier of Turkic origin, had moved to India from Transoxiana around the time of emperor Aurangzeb (died 1707). His maternal grandfather, Mirza Qurban Ali Baig Khan Salik (1816-1881), was a writer and poet in Delhi and a friend of the renowned Urdu poet Ghalib. Although his father belonged to the middle class, he ensured a deeply religious and ascetic upbringing for his children, aiming to raise them within a traditional Sharif culture.

1.2. Education

Until the age of nine, Maududi received a religious upbringing from his father and various private teachers, focusing on Arabic, Persian, Islamic law, and Hadith. He also delved into books on mantiq (logic). A precocious child, at the age of 11, he translated Qasim Amin's modernist and feminist work, al-Marah al-jadidah ("The New Woman"), from Arabic into Urdu. Years later, he also translated approximately 3,500 pages from Asfar, a major work by the 17th-century Persian-Shi'a mystical thinker Mulla Sadra. Sadra's concepts of temporal order rejuvenation and the necessity of Islamic law (*Sharia*) for spiritual ascension resonated deeply with Maududi's later works.

At the age of 11, Maududi was admitted directly into the eighth class at Madrasa Fawqaniyya Mashriqiyya (Oriental High School) in Aurangabad, founded by Shibli Nomani, a modernist Islamic scholar who sought to synthesize traditional Islamic scholarship with modern knowledge. This institution ignited Maududi's enduring interest in philosophy, particularly the ideas of Thomas Walker Arnold (who also taught Muhammad Iqbal), as well as natural sciences like mathematics, physics, and chemistry. He then briefly attended a more traditionalist Darul Uloom in Hyderabad. He also received education from Aligarh Muslim University. However, his formal education was cut short in 1919 when his father suffered a severe paralysis attack and died, leaving the family without property or money.

By 16, Maududi, still holding a modernist mindset, moved to Delhi and engaged in intensive self-study for five years. He read books by his distant relative, the reformist Sayyid Ahmad Khan, and learned English and German to study Western philosophy, sociology, and European history. His studies included works by Fichte, Hegel, Comte, Mill, Turgot, Adam Smith, Malthus, Rousseau, Voltaire, Montesquieu, Darwin, Goethe, and Herder. He concluded that past Muslim scholars (*ulama'*) had failed to identify the causes of Europe's rise, asserting that their contributions were less than one percent compared to these European philosophers.

1.3. Journalism and Early Career

Maududi began his journalistic career at 15, publishing on electricity in 'Maarif' in 1918. At 17, in 1920, he was appointed editor of the weekly Urdu newspaper Taj in Jabalpur. He later moved to Delhi, becoming editor of the daily Muslim (1921-1923) and then al-Jam'iyat (1925-1928), published by Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, a political organization of the Deobandi movement. Under his leadership, al-Jam'iyat became a leading newspaper for Muslims in South Asia, including India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives.

During this period, Maududi was involved in the Khilafat Movement and Tahrik-e Hijrat, South Asian movements opposing British colonial rule. He urged Indian Muslims to migrate to Afghanistan to escape British governance. He also translated Arabic and English books into Urdu. His early political views were rooted in Indian nationalism, and he praised leaders like Mahatma Gandhi. However, his political views gradually became more religious. He joined *Tahrik-I Hijrah*, a movement encouraging Indian Muslims to leave India for Afghanistan, considered a Dar al-Islam (land of Islam).

In 1921, Maududi met leaders of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, who, impressed by his talent, appointed him editor of their official newspaper, Muslim. This role further deepened his political awareness and religious engagement. He continued his self-study, learning English and reading Western works. He also pursued formal religious education, beginning the *dars-i nizami*, a popular syllabus in South Asian religious schools. By 1926, he received a certificate in religious education, becoming an *'alim*. Despite this, he refrained from formally referring to himself as an *'alim*, viewing traditional Islamic scholars as regressive, though he was influenced by some Deobandi ideas. He believed that neither traditional nor contemporary educational approaches were entirely correct, relying on his "inner guidance."

A pivotal event in 1925, the murder of Swami Shradhnand by a Muslim, led Maududi to write his influential book Al Jihad fil Islam (Jihad in Islam). Serialized in al-Jam'iyat in 1927 and published as a book in 1930, this work systematically explained the Muslim stance on jihad and responded to criticisms of Islam. It was widely acclaimed and solidified his position as a leading Muslim intellectual.

In 1928, Maududi returned to Hyderabad. In 1932, he joined the monthly journal Tarjuman al-Qur'an ("Tafsiran al Qur'an"), where, between 1932 and 1937, he developed his political ideas, focusing on Islamic revivalism and Islam as a comprehensive ideology, distinct from "traditional and hereditary religion." The Hyderabad government supported the journal by purchasing 300 subscriptions for libraries across India. Maududi became increasingly alarmed by the decline of Muslim-ruled Hyderabad, the rise of secularism, and the diminishing practice of Purdah among Muslim women in Delhi. By 1937, he was in conflict with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind over its support for a pluralistic Indian society. In the same year, he married Mahmudah Begum, whose family provided significant financial resources, allowing him to dedicate himself to research and political action, despite her more "liberated" and modern lifestyle, which Maududi tolerated more than for other Muslim women.

He decided to leave Hyderabad for Northwest India, closer to the Muslim political center. In 1938, after meeting the poet Muhammad Iqbal, Maududi moved to Pathankot in Punjab to oversee a Waqf (Islamic foundation) called Daru'l-Islam. He envisioned it as a "nerve center" for Islamic revival, an ideal religious community that would produce leaders for a genuine religious movement. The community's structure, like the later Jamaat-e-Islami, consisted of rukn (members), a shura' (consultative council), and a sadr (head). Following a dispute with the land donor over his anti-nationalist politics, Maududi left the waqf in 1939 and moved Daru'l-Islam and its members to Lahore. In Lahore, he briefly worked at Islamiah College but was dismissed for his openly political lectures.

2.1. Founding of Jamaat-e-Islami

In August 1941, Maududi founded Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in British India. This organization was established as a religious political movement dedicated to promoting Islamic values and practices as a comprehensive way of life. Maududi's mission was supported by key figures such as Amin Ahsan Islahi, Muhammad Manzoor Naumani, Abul Hassan Ali Nudvi, and Naeem Siddiqui. He was elected as the first Ameer (leader) of Jamaat-e-Islami and continued in this role until his retirement due to health reasons in 1972.

The Jamaat-e-Islami, under Maududi's leadership, developed a structured organization with rukn (members), a shura (consultative council), and a sadr (head). Initially, the party's headquarters were established in Pathankot, Punjab, where it developed its party structure, political stance, ideology, and action plans. Later, following a dispute related to Maududi's anti-nationalist politics, the Daru'l-Islam community and its membership moved to Lahore in 1939, which became the new base for the nascent Jamaat-e-Islami.

2.2. Opposition to the Partition of India

Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami actively opposed the Partition of India. Maududi argued that the concept of creating a separate Muslim state violated the fundamental Islamic doctrine of the Ummah, which emphasizes the unity of the global Muslim community. He viewed the partition as an artificial creation of temporal borders that would divide Muslims from one another, contradicting the universal nature of Islam. The Jamaat-e-Islami worked to prevent the partition, but once it became inevitable, the organization established offices in both Pakistan and India to adapt to the new political realities.

Maududi believed that Islam could thrive and develop anywhere, and therefore, a separate state was not a prerequisite for Islamic life. His opposition stemmed from a vision of Islam as a complete way of life, transcending geographical and national boundaries, and his rejection of nationalism as a divisive Western concept.

2.3. Post-Partition Political Activity in Pakistan

After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Maududi migrated to Lahore, which became part of the new state. His career underwent a "fundamental change," as he became increasingly drawn into politics, dedicating less time to purely ideological and scholarly pursuits. Although his Jamaat-e-Islami party never achieved a mass following comparable to other political parties, it, along with Maududi himself, developed significant political influence. The party played a "prominent part" in the agitations that led to the downfall of President Ayub Khan in 1969 and Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977.

Maududi's political activities, particularly his advocacy for an Islamic state, frequently brought him into conflict with the secular-leaning governments of Pakistan, resulting in several arrests and periods of imprisonment.

2.4. Relationship with Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq

Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami were particularly influential during the early years of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's rule, which began in 1977. Maududi enthusiastically supported Zia's program of Islamization, or "Sharization," despite some initial doctrinal differences (Maududi preferred *sharia* implementation through education rather than state fiat). Zia-ul-Haq, in turn, "accorded Mawdudi the status of a senior statesman," sought his advice, and allowed his pronouncements to appear prominently in newspapers. Maududi was receptive to Zia's overtures and supported his decision to execute Bhutto.

Zia-ul-Haq implemented several of Maududi's ideas, including *sharia*-based criminal punishments (such as the 1979 Hudood Ordinances), the abolition of interest on loans, and the government's annual deduction of a 2.5% Zakat tax from bank accounts. A notable policy of Zia's, originally proposed by Maududi and not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence (*fiqh*), was the introduction of separate electorates for non-Muslims (Hindus and Christians) in 1985. In return for its support, the Jamaat-e-Islami was greatly strengthened by Zia's administration, with tens of thousands of its members and sympathizers being appointed to positions in the judiciary and civil service. These appointments ensured that Zia's Islamic agenda continued to influence Pakistan long after his death.

2.5. Arrests and Imprisonment

Maududi faced multiple arrests and imprisonments throughout his political career due to his outspoken views and activities. His first arrest occurred in 1948 when he and several other JI leaders were jailed after Maududi publicly objected to the government's clandestine sponsorship of the insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir while officially observing a ceasefire with India. He was imprisoned from October 24, 1948, to May 28, 1950, on charges of being an 'enemy of the state.' On March 7, 1949, the National Constitutional Assembly revoked the resolution that led to his imprisonment.

In 1953, Maududi and the JI actively participated in a campaign against the Ahmadiyya Community. Anti-Ahmadi groups, including Maududi and traditionalist *ulama*, demanded that Ahmadis be declared non-Muslims, removed from high-level government positions (such as Muhammad Zafarullah Khan), and that intermarriage between Ahmadis and other Muslims be prohibited. This campaign escalated into violent riots in Lahore, resulting in at least 200 Ahmadi deaths and the imposition of martial law. Maududi was arrested by the military, led by Lieutenant General Azam Khan, and sentenced to death for his role in the agitation. However, due to widespread popular support for the anti-Ahmadi campaign and strong public pressure, the government ultimately commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment and later released him after two years. Maududi's unapologetic and impassive stance during his sentencing, refusing to seek clemency, had a profound impact on his supporters, who viewed it as a "victory of Islam over un-Islam" and a testament to his leadership and unwavering faith. This campaign also shifted the focus of national politics towards Islamicity.

The 1956 Constitution was adopted after incorporating many of the JI's demands, which Maududi endorsed as a victory for Islam. However, following a coup by General Ayub Khan, the constitution was shelved, and Maududi and his party faced political repression. Maududi was imprisoned again in 1964 and 1967. Despite doctrinal compromises, such as supporting a woman candidate (Fatima Jinnah) against Khan in the 1965 presidential election, the JI joined an opposition alliance with secular parties. In the December 1970 general election, Maududi toured the country as a "leader in waiting," and JI fielded 151 candidates, but the party only won four seats in the national assembly and four in the provincial assemblies.

The electoral defeat led Maududi to withdraw from active political activism in 1971 and return to scholarship. In 1972, he resigned as JI's Ameer due to health reasons. However, shortly thereafter, Islamism gained momentum in Pakistan through the Nizam-i-Mustafa (Order of the Prophet) movement, an alliance of conservative political groups against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, which the JI helped shape and which bolstered its standing. In 1977, Maududi "returned to the center stage" and was consulted by Bhutto to defuse tensions.

2.6. International Outreach and Travels

Maududi traveled extensively between 1956 and 1974 to propagate Islam globally. His inspiring speeches reached various parts of the Muslim world, including Cairo, Damascus, Amman, Mecca, Madinah, Jeddah, Kuwait, Rabat, Istanbul, London, New York, and Toronto. Between 1959 and 1960, he undertook Hajj and conducted research in Saudi Arabia, Jordan (including Jerusalem), Syria, and Egypt, urging for the Qur'an to be upheld as the primary guide.

3.1. Core Beliefs and Role as a Mujaddid

Maududi dedicated his energy to writing books, pamphlets, and delivering over 1,000 speeches and press statements, laying the groundwork for an Islamic state in Pakistan and addressing broader issues in the Muslim world. He sought to be a Mujaddid, a "renewer" (*tajdid*) of the religion, believing this role carried immense responsibility, akin to the work of a prophet. While earlier *mujaddids* had renewed religion, Maududi aimed "to propagate true Islam," the absence of which he believed explained the failures of previous revivalist efforts. He was deeply disheartened by the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1924, attributing it to Muslims' limited understanding of Islam as merely a religion rather than a complete ideology for living. He argued that to restore Islamic pride, Muslims must embrace Islam as a total way of life.

Maududi was profoundly influenced by the medieval theologian Ibn Taymiyyah, particularly his treatises emphasizing the Sovereignty (*Hakimiyya*) of God. Maududi stressed that armed Jihad was imperative for contemporary Muslims and, like Sayyid Qutb, called for a "universal Jihad." According to biographer Vali Nasr, Maududi and the JI gradually moved away from some of their more controversial doctrinal ideas, such as criticisms of Sufism or the Ulama, and closer to orthodox Islam over his career, in an effort to broaden the Jamaat-e-Islami's support base.

3.2. The Qur'an and Tafsir

Maududi viewed the Quran not merely as religious literature to be recited or pondered, but as a "socio-religious institution" that must be accepted "at face value" and obeyed. He believed that implementing its prescriptions would resolve societal ills, pitting truth and bravery against ignorance, falsehood, and evil. He described the Quran as a "Book which contains a message, an invitation, which generates a movement," impelling individuals to struggle against falsehood and gather under the banner of truth.

In his monumental Tafhim al-Qur'an (Quranic interpretation), he introduced four interconnected concepts crucial for understanding the Quran: ilah (divinity), rabb (lord), 'ibadah (worship, defined as absolute obedience to God, not just cherishing or praising Him), and din (religion).

3.3. The Sunnah and Hadith

Maududi held a distinctive perspective on the transmission and interpretation of Hadith, the sayings and actions of the Islamic prophet Muhammad that form a crucial basis for Islamic law. Traditionally, the authenticity and quality of Hadith are determined by Hadith scholars (*muhaddithin*) based on factors like the number of chains of oral transmission (*isnad*) and the reliability of the narrators. However, Maududi believed that "with extensive study and practice one can develop a power and can intuitively sense the wishes and desires of the Holy Prophet," asserting that he possessed this intuitive ability to discern whether Muhammad could or could not have uttered a particular Hadith.

He also diverged from many traditional/conservative Muslims by arguing that Hadith scholars had overemphasized the *isnad* (chain of transmission) at the expense of the *matn* (content) when evaluating Hadith. Furthermore, Maududi broke with traditional doctrine by questioning the reliability of the Prophet's companions as Hadith transmitters, stating that "even the noble Companions were overcome by human weaknesses, one attacking another."

Regarding the Sunnah (the customs and practices of Muhammad), Maududi sought a middle ground between conservative Islamists who insisted on absolute obedience to every aspect of the Prophet's Sunnah, and traditions that acknowledged Muhammad's human mistakes or instances where he was not always obeyed by his followers (such as Zayd ibn Harithah divorcing his wife against Muhammad's wishes). Maududi argued that instances where God corrected Muhammad's mistakes in the Quran should be seen not as indicators of human frailty, but as proof of God's vigilant monitoring and correction of even the smallest errors. He concluded that while theoretically the Prophet's prophetic and personal capacities are distinct, in practice, it is "neither practical nor permissible" for mortals to differentiate, and thus Muslims should not disregard any aspect of the Sunnah.

3.4. Concept of Islam and Muslim Identity

Maududi's understanding of Islam was expansive, viewing it not merely as a religion followed by a specific group, but as an all-encompassing system that defines existence itself. He asserted that "Everything in the universe is 'Muslim' for it obeys Allah by submission to His laws." This meant that physical laws governing the universe were as much a part of *Sharia* as prohibitions on alcohol or interest. Consequently, stars, planets, oceans, and atoms were "Muslims" because they obey their Creator's laws. From this perspective, non-Muslims were a small minority among all creation, as only humans (and jinn) possess free will, and only non-Muslims choose to disobey divine laws.

For Maududi, Islam was "a system encompassing all fields of living. Islam means politics, economics, legislation, science, humanism, health, psychology and sociology. It is a system which makes no discrimination on the basis of race, color, language or other external categories. Its appeal is to all mankind. It wants to reach the heart of every human being." He adopted Ibn Taymiyyah's doctrines on apostasy, asserting that an individual is considered a Muslim only if their beliefs are adequately manifested in their actions. He emphasized that Islam is both "knowledge" (*'ilm*) and "action" (*'amal*), stating that "a Muslim is distinct from an unbeliever [kāfir] only by two things: one is knowledge, the other action [upon it]." He believed that non-Muslims, by rejecting Islam, struggled against truth, concealing their inherent nature.

Maududi maintained that simply reciting the Shahada (declaration of faith) or being born into a Muslim family did not automatically make one a Muslim; true Muslim identity stemmed from absolute obedience to God, which found meaning only in actions. He considered the Muslim a "slave of God," whose "absolute obedience to God" was a "fundamental right" of God, denying individuals the right to choose their own way of life. While setting a high bar for Muslim identity, Maududi was adamant that the punishment for apostasy was death, citing unanimous agreement among early Muslims, various schools of *fiqh*, and scholars throughout Islamic history.

He was particularly interested in preserving Islamic culture-including dress, language, and customs-from what he perceived as the dangers of women's emancipation, secularism, and nationalism. He stressed the importance of establishing clear "boundaries" between the realm of Islam and non-Islam, asserting that there was either Islam as he defined it, or "un-Islam." Maududi also believed that Islam would be scientifically proven to "eventually ... emerge as the World-Religion to cure Man of all his maladies." However, he lamented that "not more than 0.001%" of Muslims truly understood what Islam entailed.

Maududi idealized the early years of Muslim society under Muhammad and the Rightly Guided Caliphs, considering subsequent Islamic history largely as a period of decline and Jahiliyya (ignorance), with only brief religious revivals. He viewed Muslim philosophy, literature, arts, and mysticism as syncretic and impure, diverting attention from the divine.

3.5. Sharia and Islamic Law

Maududi considered Sharia to be not merely a crucial command defining Muslim identity, but an indispensable framework without which a Muslim society could not be Islamic. He asserted that if an Islamic society consciously rejects Sharia and adopts its own laws, it "breaks its contract with God and forfeits its right to be called 'Islamic.'" He believed that while many unbelievers acknowledged God as the Creator, their unbelief stemmed from their failure to submit to His will, i.e., to God's law. Obedience to God's law, he argued, brought not only heavenly reward but also earthly blessings, whereas disobedience led to eternal punishment, evil, and misery.

The sources of Sharia, according to Maududi, were the Quran and the Sunnah (the practices and sayings of Muhammad), based on the Quranic proclamation, "Whoever obeys the messenger [i.e. Muhammad] obeys Allah." Sharia, in his view, encompassed all aspects of life, recognizing no division between religion and other human activities. He stated that it embraced "Family relationships, social and economic affairs, administration, rights and duties of citizens, judicial system, laws of war and peace and international relations. In short it embraces all the various departments of life ... The sharia is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social order where nothing is superfluous and nothing lacking."

Sharia was famously advocated by Maududi for its call to abolish interest-bearing banks and implement hadd penalties-such as flogging and amputation for alcohol consumption, theft, fornication, and adultery. While these penalties were criticized by Westernized Muslims as cruel and violating international human rights, Maududi argued that any perceived cruelty was far outweighed by the societal ills resulting from the absence of such punishments in the West. He also maintained that these penalties would only be applied once Muslims fully understood their faith and lived in a truly Islamic state.

A "very large part" of Sharia, Maududi emphasized, required "the coercive power and authority of the state" for its enforcement. Consequently, while an Islamic state would have a legislature that the ruler must consult, its primary function would be "law-finding, not of law-making." However, Maududi also stated, "somewhat astonishingly," that "there is yet another vast range of human affairs about which sharia is totally silent," allowing an Islamic state to enact "independent" legislation in these areas. According to scholar Vali Nasr, Maududi believed that Sharia needed to be "streamlined, reinterpreted, and expanded" to adequately address governance, including clarifying the relationship between different branches of government.

3.6. Jihad

Maududi's first work to gain public attention was Al Jihad fil-Islam ("Jihad in Islam"), serialized in a newspaper in 1927 when he was 24. In this work, he argued that because Islam is all-encompassing, the Islamic state was meant for the entire world and should not be confined to the "homeland of Islam" where Muslims are predominant. He asserted that Jihad should be employed to eliminate un-Islamic rule everywhere and establish a worldwide Islamic state.

Maududi stated that Islam "wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it." He clarified that the purpose was to establish an Islamic state based on its own ideology and program, benefiting all mankind. To achieve this, Islam would utilize "all forces which can bring about a revolution," collectively termed 'Jihad'. The objective of Islamic 'jihād' was to "eliminate the rule of an un-Islamic system and establish in its stead an Islamic system of state rule."

He acknowledged that the destruction of lives and property in Jihad was lamentable, but justified it by the Islamic principle of "suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss." He argued that the loss of thousands of lives in Jihad was incomparable to "the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God." Maududi also explained that Jihad encompassed not only active combat but also non-violent support activities by the rear echelon, emphasizing that "active combat is not always the role on the battlefield, nor can everyone fight in the front line."

However, Maududi adopted a more conservative stance on Jihad compared to other revivalist thinkers like Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Sayyid Qutb. He distinguished between properly understood Jihad and "a crazed faith ... blood-shot eyes, shouting Allahu akbar, decapitating an unbeliever wherever they see one." During a ceasefire with India in 1948, he opposed the waging of Jihad in Kashmir, asserting that Jihad could only be proclaimed by Muslim governments, not by religious leaders.

3.7. The Islamic State

The modern conceptualization of the "Islamic state" is largely attributed to Maududi, who coined and popularized the term in his 1941 book, The Islamic Law and Constitution, and subsequent writings.

3.8. Critique of Western Concepts

Maududi was a staunch critic of Western ideologies and social structures, viewing them as fundamentally incompatible with and detrimental to Islamic principles.

3.9. Social and Economic Views

Maududi's social and economic views were deeply intertwined with his comprehensive vision of an Islamic way of life, offering an alternative to both capitalism and socialism.

3.10. Views on Sufism and Ulama

Maududi's stance on Sufism and the traditionalist clergy (*ulama*) evolved throughout his life, reflecting his broader efforts to define and propagate "true Islam."

3.11. Mughal Empire and Historical Interpretations

Abul A'la Maududi was a critic not only of Western Civilization but also of the Mughal Empire, many of whose achievements he deemed "Un-Islamic." He specifically condemned Mughal Emperor Akbar's belief in an individual's common spirituality, controversially known as the Din-e Ilahi ("Religion of God"), as a form of apostasy. (Contemporary scholars like S. M. Ikram argue that Akbar's true intentions were to create a system of iradat or muridi (discipleship) rather than a new religion.)

3.12. Islamic Revolution

The modern conceptualization of the "Islamic state" is largely attributed to Maududi, who coined and popularized the term in his 1941 book, The Islamic Law and Constitution, and subsequent writings. The process Maududi envisioned-changing the hearts and minds of individuals from the top of society downward through an educational process or da'wah-was very different than what happened in Iran, or under Zia ul-Haq. Maududi talked of Islam being "a revolutionary ideology and a revolutionary practice which aims at destroying the social order of the world totally and rebuilding it from scratch," but opposed sudden change, violent or unconstitutional action, and was uninterested in grassroots organizing, socio-economic changes, or even street demonstrations, often associated with revolutions.

His "revolution" would be achieved "step-by-step" with "patience," since "the more sudden a change, the more short-lived it is." He warned against the emotionalism of "demonstrations or agitations, ... flag waving, slogans ... impassioned speeches ... or the like." He believed that "societies are built, structured, and controlled from the top down by conscious manipulation of those in power," not by grassroots movements. The revolution would be carried out by training a cadre of pious and dedicated men who would lead and then protect the Islamic revolutionary process. To facilitate this far-reaching program of cultural change, his party "invested heavily" in producing and disseminating publications.

Maududi was committed to non-violent legal politics "even if the current methods of struggle takes a century to bear fruit." In 1957 he outlined a new Jama'at policy declaring that "transformation of the political order through unconstitutional means" was against sharia law. Even when he and his party were repressed by the Ayub Khan or People's Party (in 1972) governments, Maududi kept his party from clandestine activity. It was not until he retired as emir of JI that JI and Jam'iat-e Tulabah "became more routinely involved in violence."

The objective of the revolution was to be justice ('adl') and benevolence (ihsan), but the injustice and wrong to be overcome that he focused on was immorality (fahsha') and forbidden behavior (munkarat). Maududi was interested in ethical changes, rather than socio-economic changes of the sort that drive most historical revolutions and revolutionary movements. He did not support these (for example, opposing land reform in the 1950s as an encroachment on property rights) and believed the problems they addressed would be solved by the Islamic state established by the revolution.

4.1. Tafhim al-Qur'an

Maududi's magnum opus is Tafhim al-Qur'an (The Meaning of the Qur'an), a six-volume Urdu translation and comprehensive commentary of the Qur'an. This monumental work, which he began in February 1942 (Muharram, 1361 AH), took him 30 years to complete in 1972. It was intended to offer a self-claimed interpretation of the Qur'an and has been widely read throughout South Asia. Tafhim al-Qur'an has been translated into numerous languages, including Arabic, English, Turkish, Persian, Hindi, French, German, Swahili, Tamil, Bengali, Malayalam, and Kannada, significantly spreading his influence globally.

4.2. Al-Jihad fil Islam

Al Jihad fil Islam ("Jihad in Islam") was Maududi's first book, written in 1927 at the age of 24. Comprising approximately 600 pages, it systematically explained his views on Jihad and its role in Islamic political thought. The work was serialized in a newspaper before being published as a book in 1930. It was highly acclaimed, with Muhammad Iqbal hailing it "as the best explication of the concept of jihad in any language."

4.3. Towards Understanding Islam

Towards Understanding Islam is a foundational text by Maududi that serves as an introduction to his core ideas and fundamental Islamic principles. This book is often recommended as a starting point for those seeking to grasp his comprehensive vision of Islam as a complete way of life.

4.4. Other Notable Works

Maududi authored a diverse range of other significant books and pamphlets that cover his broad intellectual scope, including:

• Purdah & the Status of Women in Islam
• The Islamic Law and Constitution
• Let us be Muslims
• The Islamic Way of Life
• A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam
• Human Rights in Islam
• Four basic Qur'anic terms
• The process of Islamic revolution
• Unity of the Muslim world
• The moral foundations of the Islamic movement
• Economic System of Islam
• The road to peace and salvation
• The Qadiani Problem
• The Question of Dress
• The Rights of Non-Muslims in Islamic State
• Caliphate and Kingship (Khilafat o Malookiat)
• Islamic Law and its Introduction in Pakistan
• Khutabat: Fundamentals of Islam
• System of Government Under the Holy Prophet
• Social System of Islam
• Economic Problem of Man and its Islamic Solution

5.1. In Pakistan and South Asia

In Pakistan, where the JI claims to be the oldest religious party, it is "hard to exaggerate the importance" of the country's "current drift" towards Maududi's "version of Islam." His background as a journalist, thinker, scholar, and political leader has been compared to that of Indian independence leader Abul Kalam Azad by admiring biographers.

Maududi and his party are considered the most significant factors in generating support for an Islamic state in Pakistan. They are believed to have inspired General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to introduce "Sharization" to Pakistan. This included the implementation of *sharia* laws such as bans on interest on loans (*riba*), the government's deduction of a 2.5% annual Zakat tax from bank accounts, and the introduction of Islamic punishments like stoning and amputation through the 1979 Hudood Ordinances. A notable policy introduced by Zia, originally proposed by Maududi and not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence (*fiqh*), was the establishment of separate electorates for non-Muslims (Hindus and Christians) in 1985. In return for its support, Maududi's party was greatly strengthened by Zia's administration, with tens of thousands of members and sympathizers receiving jobs in the judiciary and civil service early in Zia's rule. Maududi's work also "hugely influenced" South Asia in general, including the diaspora, with significant numbers of his followers in Britain.

5.2. In the Arab World and Iran

Outside of South Asia, Maududi's influence extended significantly into the Arab world. Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna and Sayyid Qutb were among his readers. According to historian Philip Jenkins, Qutb "borrowed and expanded" Maududi's concepts, particularly the idea of Islam being modern, the notion that Muslims had fallen into pre-Islamic ignorance (Jahiliyya), and the need for an Islamist revolutionary vanguard movement. His ideas also influenced Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian Islamist jurist who played a key role in renewing jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere.

Maududi also had a major impact on Shia Iran. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is reputed to have met Maududi as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. To this day, Iran's revolutionary rhetoric often draws on Maududi's themes. Generally, Shia communities positively received Maududi's views, finding his political and theological perspectives aligned with their own, particularly regarding the unity of the Ummah.

5.3. In Turkey

In Turkey, where his name is spelled Mevdudi, Maududi became an influential figure within local religious circles. From the mid-1960s onward, his complete works were made available in Turkish within a few years, leading to his significant reception and impact on Turkish religious and intellectual thought.

5.4. Influence on Militant Islamist Movements

Maududi is considered "second to Qutb" among the intellectual fathers of contemporary militant Islamist movements. According to Youssef M. Choueiri, "all the major contemporary radicalized" Islamist movements, including the Tunisian Islamic Tendency, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization, and the Muslim Brotherhood of Syria, derive their ideological and political programs from the writings of Maududi and Sayyid Qutb. His works have also influenced the leadership and ideology of groups such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.

6.1. Positive Assessments

Admirers and scholars who positively assess Maududi highlight his profound intellectual contributions, his leadership, and his significant impact on Islamic revivalism and modern Islamic political thought. He is often lauded for his systematic approach to Islamic thought, his ability to articulate a comprehensive Islamic ideology relevant to modern challenges, and his tireless efforts in propagating his vision. His followers within the Jamaat-e-Islami and allied organizations view him not only as a revered scholar, politician, and thinker but also as a hallowed Mujaddid (renewer) of Islam. He was also regarded by his followers as a spiritual leader, akin to a wali or Sufi master, possessing special gifts (karamat) and a commanding presence (haybah). His unwavering stance, even in the face of death sentences, further solidified his image as a steadfast leader committed to his ideals.

6.2. Criticisms and Controversies

Despite his influence, Maududi's ideology, political actions, and specific views have drawn considerable criticism from various quarters:

• Internal Opposition within Jamaat-e-Islami:** Many *ulama* who were initially involved in the establishment of Jamaat-e-Islami later opposed his policies and leadership style. Splits occurred in 1951 and 1956-57 over compromises in electoral politics, which some members felt lowered JI's moral standards. Maududi's prevailing over the *shura*'s vote to withdraw from politics led to resignations and the growth of a "cult of personality" around him.
• Critique from Traditionalist Ulama:**
  • The Barelwi school, led by figures like Sayyid Muhammad Madani Ashrafi, criticized Maududi for allegedly not understanding traditional Islamic terminology.
  • The Deoband school, particularly figures like Shaikh Muhammad Zakariyya Kandhalwi (who influenced the Jamaat Tabligh), produced works like "Fitna-e Mawdudiyyat" (The Maududi Heresy) that criticized and contradicted Maududi's philosophy. These critics often found his interpretations of Hadith and his criticisms of the *ulama* to be problematic.
  • Maududi's criticisms of the *ulama* of the Deoband and Lucknow schools were seen by some as exposing his own weaknesses in theological discipline.
• Secular and Modernist Criticisms:**
  • Secularists and proponents of mass Islamic movements criticized Maududi's political theory, arguing that its roots in figures like Sayyid Qutb made it resemble totalitarian systems like those of Stalin or Mussolini, rather than being truly derived from the Quran and Hadith. They argued that the 7th-century Islamic state of Medina, which was predominantly Muslim, was fundamentally different from modern realities.
  • Maududi's strong opposition to nationalism and his criticism of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind's nationalist theory were seen as endangering Muslims and fostering animosity with Hinduism. His stance was also contrasted with that of Muhammad Ali Jinnah, a Muslim nationalist who successfully advocated for Pakistan.
  • His views on women's roles, strict segregation, and limited public participation drew criticism for being overly conservative and restrictive.
  • His economic ideas, particularly the proposed death penalty for repeat offenders of interest-based transactions, were seen as extreme and impractical. Critics like Feisal Khan noted that his description of interest-based finance seemed more applicable to peasant-moneylender dynamics than modern banking.
• Authoritarian Tendencies:** His vision of an Islamic state, with no political pluralism, no active seeking of leadership positions, and the exclusion of non-Muslims from key policy-making roles, has been criticized as inherently anti-democratic and potentially authoritarian. His belief that "more than one correct position" could not exist and that "pluralism... would not be allowed" points to a monolithic political system.
• Impact on Human Rights:** His advocacy for *hadd* penalties and the death penalty for apostasy, as well as the limited rights for non-Muslims (including the *jizya* tax as a symbol of Islamic sovereignty over them), have been widely criticized by human rights advocates and those promoting interfaith harmony.