PoliticianPrime Minister of ThailandBusinessmanOusted by coup

Thaksin Shinawatra

Thaksin Shinawatra is a Thai businessman and politician who served as Thailand's 23rd Prime Minister (2001-2006), known for populist policies, a military coup, and subsequent exile before returning in 2023.

1. Early Life and Background

Thaksin Shinawatra was born on July 26, 1949, in San Kamphaeng District, Chiang Mai Province, Thailand. He is the second of ten children born to Loet Shinawatra and Yindi Ramingwong. The Shinawatra family was one of the wealthiest and most influential families in Chiang Mai, with deep roots in local business and politics. Thaksin spent his early years in the village of San Kamphaeng, where he attended school until the age of 15. During his childhood, he assisted his father with various family businesses, including a coffee shop, an orange grove, a flower farm, and two cinemas. At 16, he actively helped manage one of his father's cinemas, gaining early business experience. Thaksin is a Theravada Buddhist.

1.1. Education

Thaksin Shinawatra completed his secondary education at Montfort College in Chiang Mai. Despite initially facing challenges with English, he studied diligently to excel. He continued his higher education at the Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School, graduating as part of the 10th class in 1972, and subsequently attended the Royal Police Cadet Academy, where he graduated first in his class in 1973.

He pursued graduate studies in the United States, earning a Master's degree in criminal justice from Eastern Kentucky University in 1975. Three years later, in 1978, he was awarded a Ph.D. in criminal justice from Sam Houston State University in Huntsville, Texas. Upon his return to Thailand, he lectured at the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities of Mahidol University in 1979. He also held a position as a university lecturer at the Royal Police Cadet Academy from 1975 to 1976. In 1994, he received an honorary doctorate in Journalism and Mass Communication from Thammasat University.

1.2. Early Career

Thaksin Shinawatra's early professional life began in the police force, where he also pursued various business ventures, some of which proved unsuccessful before achieving significant success in telecommunications.

1.2.1. Police Career

After graduating from the Royal Police Cadet Academy in 1973, Thaksin joined the Royal Thai Police as a Police Lieutenant. He rose through the ranks, eventually holding the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division within the General Staff Division of the Metropolitan Police Bureau. During his police career, he contributed to modernizing the police's crime data management systems, developing the use of computers for processing vehicle registration numbers. He was also involved in border patrol before moving into planning and intelligence roles.

Thaksin resigned from the police force in 1987 with the rank of Police Lieutenant Colonel to focus on his business interests. However, in September 2015, his police rank of Police Lieutenant Colonel was officially revoked by order of the National Council for Peace and Order, a decision widely seen as a politically motivated move by the military junta.

1.2.2. Business Ventures

While still serving as a police officer, Thaksin and his wife, Potjaman Damapong, began several businesses, including a silk shop, a cinema, and an apartment building. These early ventures largely failed, leaving him with significant debt, reportedly over 50.00 M THB. In 1982, he established ICSI (later Shinawatra Computer), which found modest success leasing computers to government agencies by leveraging his police contacts. However, subsequent ventures into security systems (SOS) and public bus radio services (Bus Sound) also failed. He also ventured into film production, mostly remaking popular films, but these generally did not achieve commercial success.

In April 1986, Thaksin founded Advanced Info Service (AIS) as a computer rental business. The company quickly expanded into mobile phone services, securing a monopoly contract from Thaksin's military contacts in 1986. AIS rapidly grew to become the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand. In 1987, after resigning from the police, he established Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group (later Shin Corporation, now Intouch Holdings). The group was listed on the Stock Exchange of Thailand in 1990.

In 1988, he briefly partnered with Pacific Telesis for the PacLink pager service before selling his shares to found his own paging company. In 1989, he launched IBC, a cable television company, which initially struggled and merged with CP Group's UTV, eventually becoming TrueVisions. The same year, he established Shinawatra DataCom, a data networking service now known as Advanced Data Network. In 1990, Thaksin founded Shinawatra Satellite, which developed and operated four Thaicom communications satellites, expanding his telecommunications ventures into neighboring countries like Laos and Cambodia. By 2000, his primary company, Shin Corporation, and its satellite arm, Thaicom Satellite, were renamed from their original Shinawatra branding. By this time, the Shinawatra family, holding 50% of Shin Corporation, had become one of the wealthiest families in Thailand. In 1999, his family also established Shinawatra University. In 2000, Thaksin acquired the struggling iTV television station.

2. Entry into Politics

Thaksin Shinawatra's entry into politics marked a pivotal moment in Thai political history, leading to his ascent to the premiership and the founding of a new political party.

2.1. Political Beginnings

Thaksin entered politics in late 1994, invited by Chamlong Srimuang, then leader of the Palang Dharma Party (PDP). Following a cabinet reshuffle that purged Boonchu Rojanastien-affiliated PDP ministers, Thaksin was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in December 1994 in Chuan Leekpai's government, replacing Prasong Soonsiri. However, Thai law at the time prohibited major corporate shareholders from serving as ministers, leading Thaksin to transfer his shareholdings to his wife, driver, and other nominees, a move that would later draw significant criticism regarding asset concealment.

In 1995, Thaksin became the leader of the Palang Dharma Party, succeeding Chamlong Srimuang. He was then appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic under Prime Minister Banharn Silpa-archa. In May 1996, Thaksin and four other PDP ministers resigned from the Banharn Cabinet, prompting a reshuffle, a move speculated to boost Chamlong Srimuang's chances in the Bangkok Governor elections, though Chamlong ultimately lost. This period highlighted growing divisions within the PDP between Chamlong's "temple" faction and Thaksin's. Thaksin and the PDP eventually withdrew from the Banharn government in August 1996, and the PDP provided evidence against the government in a no-confidence debate, leading to the dissolution of Parliament in September 1996. Thaksin chose not to run in the subsequent November 1996 elections but remained PDP leader. The party suffered a significant defeat, winning only one seat, and subsequently dissolved.

On August 15, 1997, Thaksin became Deputy Prime Minister in Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's government, following the float and devaluation of the Thai baht which triggered the 1997 Asian financial crisis. He served for only three months, resigning on November 14 when Chavalit stepped down. During a censure debate on September 27, 1997, Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting from insider information regarding the baht's float, though the accusations were not investigated by the subsequent Democrat party-led government. During this period, Thaksin also served on the Asia Advisory Board of the Washington, D.C.-based Carlyle Group until his resignation in 2001 upon becoming Prime Minister.

2.2. Founding Thai Rak Thai and First Premiership

In 1998, Thaksin Shinawatra founded the Thai Rak Thai Party (TRT, meaning 'Thais Love Thais') with Somkid Jatusripitak, Sudarat Keyuraphan, and others. The party adopted a populist platform, promising universal access to healthcare, a three-year debt moratorium for farmers, and village-managed development funds of 1.00 M THB for all Thai villages.

Following Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai's dissolution of parliament in November 2000, TRT achieved a sweeping victory in the January 2001 general elections, the first held under the 1997 Constitution. This election was considered one of the most open and corruption-free in Thai history. Thai Rak Thai won 248 of the 500 parliamentary seats, the largest number won by any party previously. To ensure a stable government and avoid a vote of no confidence, Thaksin opted for a broad coalition, including the Chart Thai Party (41 seats) and the New Aspiration Party (36 seats), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party (14 seats). Thaksin Shinawatra officially became the 23rd Prime Minister of Thailand on February 9, 2001.

2.2.1. Asset Concealment Allegations

Just before Thaksin Shinawatra officially assumed office as Prime Minister, Thailand's National Counter Corruption Commission (NCCC) submitted an indictment to the Constitutional Court. The NCCC accused Thaksin of failing to disclose assets worth approximately 2.37 B THB (about 56.00 M USD) while he served as Deputy Prime Minister in 1997 and the year following. This case became widely known as the "stock hiding case," as the 1997 Constitution prohibited politicians and their spouses from holding shares in private companies. Thaksin was alleged to have circumvented this rule by transferring his shares to domestic staff and other nominees to conceal his ownership.

In his defense before the Constitutional Court, Thaksin argued that the term "personal property" was not clearly defined in the constitution, that accounting explanations were unclear, and that concealing ownership through nominees was not previously required to be disclosed. He also claimed no intentional non-disclosure and that his supplementary asset declarations in late 2000 should be considered part of his overall submissions. Conversely, Klanarong Jantik, Secretary-General of the NACC, argued that "personal property" was a common-sense understanding, that accounting explanations were clear enough, and that no other minister had used such an excuse for non-disclosure. He also emphasized that Thaksin's responsibility to disclose assets under the 1997 Constitution began on October 11, 1997, prior to the Prevention and Suppression of Corruption Act's announcement.

The Constitutional Court ultimately ruled 8 to 7 in favor of Thaksin, concluding that he had not intended to conceal assets. This ruling was perceived by some as influenced by public pressure, as Thaksin was highly popular at the time, and many believed he should be allowed to govern. However, a significant portion of society remained skeptical, viewing Thaksin's actions as an interference with the judicial process, which led to complaints and the removal of four Constitutional Court judges.

Further undermining public trust in the judiciary, the Truth for Reconciliation Commission of Thailand, in its 2011 final report, stated that the "Thaksin stock hiding case" was a root cause of political crises and that the Constitutional Court's actions were unlawful. The report highlighted that out of the 8-7 ruling that exonerated Thaksin, seven judges initially found him guilty, while six found him not guilty. However, the court included the votes of two judges who had ruled that the case was outside their jurisdiction, adding them to the votes of the six judges who had found Thaksin not guilty. This manipulation of votes to achieve an 8-7 outcome was seen as a violation of legal principles, severely eroding public confidence in Thailand's judicial process.

3. Premiership (2001-2006)

Thaksin Shinawatra's premiership, from 2001 to 2006, was a period of distinctive policies and significant administrative changes that left a lasting impact on Thailand. He was the first prime minister to complete a full term, achieving re-election with an overwhelming majority in 2005, primarily due to his effective rural poverty reduction and universal healthcare policies. However, his administration also faced increasing accusations of authoritarianism, corruption, human rights abuses, and conflicts of interest.

Thaksin in 2005
Thaksin in 2005
Thaksin meeting Donald Evans in December 2001
Thaksin meeting Donald Evans in December 2001


His cabinet was diverse, comprising academics, former student leaders, and former Palang Dharma Party figures, alongside traditional regional power brokers. Despite perceived improvements in transparency according to Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (from 3.2 in 2001 to 3.8 in 2005), the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators showed a lower score for "control of corruption" under his administration compared to the preceding Democrat-led government.

George W. Bush, then-U.S. President, meets with Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand in the Oval Office in June 2003.
George W. Bush, then-U.S. President, meets with Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra of Thailand in the Oval Office in June 2003.
Thaksin in a meeting with the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, in October 2003
Thaksin in a meeting with the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, in October 2003
Thaksin in a meeting with the President of Brazil, Lula da Silva, in 2004
Thaksin in a meeting with the President of Brazil, Lula da Silva, in 2004

3.1. Key Policies

The Thaksin government implemented a range of bold and often unconventional policies aimed at national development, economic stimulus, and social welfare, fundamentally reshaping various sectors.

3.1.1. Economic Policies (Thaksinomics)

Thaksin's economic policies, dubbed "Thaksinomics," focused on stimulating the domestic economy and reducing poverty, particularly in rural areas. Key initiatives included:

  • Village-managed Microcredit Development Funds:** Providing direct cash injections into village development funds (the SML scheme) and low-interest agricultural loans.
  • One Tambon One Product (OTOP):** A program promoting rural small and medium-sized enterprises by encouraging unique local products.
  • Infrastructure Development:** A massive program of investments in roads, public transit, and the new Suvarnabhumi Airport.

These policies contributed significantly to Thailand's recovery from the 1997 Asian financial crisis. The country repaid its debts to the International Monetary Fund two years ahead of schedule. GDP grew from 4.90 T THB in 2001 to 7.10 T THB in 2006. Poverty nationwide decreased from 21.3% to 11.3%, with income in the economically disadvantaged northeast rising by 46% between 2001 and 2006. Thailand's Gini coefficient, a measure of income inequality, improved from 0.525 in 2000 to 0.499 in 2004. The Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other regional markets, and the national budget moved from fiscal deficits in 2001-2002 to comfortable surpluses from 2003-2005. Foreign exchange reserves doubled from 30.00 B USD in 2001 to 64.00 B USD in 2006, and public sector debt fell from 57% of GDP to 41%.

Critics, however, argued that "Thaksinomics" was merely a re-branded Keynesian-style economic stimulus policy and that it fostered dependency among the rural poor on "Thaksin's hand-outs." After the 2006 coup, many of these policies were ended or rebranded, and a report by the Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI) suggested that many of the populist policies did not directly boost the economy but were coincidental with broader economic trends.

Thaksin's government also legalized Thailand's large underground lottery system, managed by the Government Lottery Office, with sales of approximately 70.00 B THB (2.00 B USD) earmarked for social projects, including the "One District, One Scholarship" program. The government also privatized MCOT, a major television and radio broadcaster.

3.1.2. Education Policies

Thaksin's administration undertook several educational reforms, although not all were without controversy. One significant reform was the move towards school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 Constitution, with the aim of delegating school management from the centralized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). However, this initiative faced widespread opposition from Thailand's 700,000 teachers, who feared losing their civil servant status and doubted the TAOs' ability to manage schools effectively. Amidst massive teacher protests and threats of school closures, Thaksin's government compromised, offering teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management a two-year window to transfer to other schools.

Other policy changes included efforts to reform learning and decentralize curricula, emphasizing holistic education over rote learning. To improve access to universities for lower-income individuals, Thaksin introduced the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs, allowing needy students to secure loans for their studies, from vocational to university levels. The ICL required repayments once salaries reached 16.00 K THB per month, with interest equivalent to inflation. The SLF had a family income eligibility limit but charged 1% interest starting a year after graduation. These programs were later merged and modified after the coup. Thaksin also supported Nicholas Negroponte's One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units, though this project was canceled by the post-coup junta.

A controversial initiative was the "One District, One Dream School" project, designed to elevate the quality of schools across districts. This project drew criticism, with allegations that its primary beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling educational equipment, leading many schools into debt due to inadequate central government funding. Additionally, Thaksin altered the state university entrance system, reducing the exclusive reliance on national standardized exams and emphasizing senior high-school grades to encourage classroom learning over private tutoring.

3.1.3. Healthcare Policies

Thaksin's government implemented two major healthcare policies: the subsidized Universal Health Care (UHC) program, often referred to as the "30 baht scheme," introduced in 2002, and universal access to low-cost anti-retroviral (ARV) medication for HIV patients.

The 30 baht UHC program, which required patients to pay only 30 THB per visit, garnered widespread public praise. It significantly increased healthcare access from 76% of the population to 96%, particularly benefiting those who previously lacked health insurance. While popular, the program faced criticism from many physicians and officials regarding excessive workloads for healthcare providers, crowded waiting rooms, and insufficient time for patient diagnosis. Post-coup public health minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the scheme a "marketing gimmick." Despite initial cost concerns, which tripled from 56.00 M THB in 2006 to 166.00 M THB in 2019, costs remained below 1% of the national GDP.

3.1.4. War on Drugs

On January 14, 2003, Thaksin Shinawatra launched an aggressive "War on Drugs" campaign, vowing to eradicate narcotics from "every square inch of the country" within three months. The campaign involved changing punishment policies for drug addicts, setting provincial arrest and seizure targets, implementing "blacklists" of alleged drug offenders, and offering awards to officials who met targets while threatening punishment for those who failed.

The campaign was marked by severe human rights abuses. Human Rights Watch reported that in the first three months alone, at least 2,275 people were extrajudicially executed. The government claimed that only about 50 of these deaths were at the hands of the police, attributing the rest to drug traffickers silencing their networks. However, human rights critics asserted that a large number were extrajudicially killed by authorities. The government's blacklist was highly unreliable, containing the names of many innocent individuals and reportedly being used for personal revenge.

King Bhumibol Adulyadej subtly criticized the handling of the "War on Drugs" in a 2003 birthday address, expressing concern over the accountability for the casualties and subtly hinting at the government's responsibility. He also requested the police commander to investigate the killings, though subsequent investigations by police chief Sant Sarutanond maintained that few deaths were at the hands of the police.

The "War on Drugs" drew widespread condemnation from the international community. Despite this, Thaksin declared, "The United Nations is not my father. I am not worried about any UN visit to Thailand on this issue." After the 2006 coup, a military junta-appointed committee investigated the anti-drug campaign. An initial report indicated that over half of those killed in 2003 had no links to the drug trade, blaming the violence on a government "shoot-to-kill" policy based on flawed blacklists. However, these findings were largely suppressed, and the interim Prime Minister, Surayud Chulanont, stated insufficient evidence for legal action. Opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva accused Thaksin of crimes against humanity for his role in the campaign and, after becoming Prime Minister, initiated a new investigation, suggesting potential prosecution by the International Criminal Court.

3.1.5. Energy Policies

In the energy sector, the Thaksin government continued the privatization agenda initiated by the preceding Chuan Leekpai administration. However, Thaksin's approach shifted from focusing on industry fragmentation and wholesale power pool competition towards creating "national champions." The goal was to establish strong, reliable energy companies that could support robust economic growth and become significant players in regional energy markets. Additionally, Thaksin's administration promoted policies to encourage renewable energy development and energy conservation. Many of these energy policies were reversed following the 2006 military coup.

3.2. Administrative Reform

Thaksin Shinawatra implemented sweeping administrative reforms aimed at modernizing and streamlining the Thai bureaucracy. One of the most significant was the "big bang" restructuring of government departments and ministries. This reorganization, the first major change to Thailand's departmental government since King Chulalongkorn's reforms in 1897, was designed to improve performance and responsiveness. New ministries were established, including Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture.

A key component of these reforms was the transformation of provincial governors into "CEO-governors." Traditionally, provincial governors appointed by the Interior Ministry held largely ceremonial roles, with central government ministries operating independently through their own field offices. Under Thaksin, CEO-governors were given greater authority in managing personnel and finances, becoming active policy managers accountable for overall provincial development. They were supported by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to them. Governors were also authorized to raise funds by issuing bonds and underwent intensive training. This system was piloted in 2001 and implemented across all provinces by October 2003.

However, the CEO-governor system faced criticism. A special "CEO-governor budget," amounting to tens of millions of baht, was established. It was alleged that this budget was managed and shared among local Members of Parliament and primarily aimed at achieving political goals, leading to accusations that it was used to gain support for the Thaksin government. Academics criticized it as a means for the government to "hire vision writers." Following the 2006 coup, the post-coup Prime Minister, Surayud Chulanont, eliminated the "CEO-governor budget," preventing its use for political patronage. The Thaksin era also saw the opening of numerous government one-stop service centers to reduce bureaucratic red tape for various public services, from investment processing to ID-card applications.

3.3. Foreign Policy

Thaksin Shinawatra's foreign policy aimed to enhance Thailand's regional standing and economic ties. He initiated negotiations for several free trade agreements (FTAs) with countries including China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the United States. The proposed FTA with the US, in particular, drew criticism, with concerns that it could detrimentally affect high-cost Thai industries.

Thailand also participated in the US-led Iraq War, deploying a 423-strong humanitarian contingent. However, these troops were withdrawn on September 10, 2004, after two Thai soldiers were killed in an insurgent attack. Thaksin declared that Thailand would move away from relying on foreign aid, instead focusing on working with donor countries to assist in the development of its neighbors in the Greater Mekong Subregion.

His diplomatic style sometimes drew criticism. Beyond his controversial remarks about the United Nations in relation to the "War on Drugs," there were allegations of gaffes at international meetings. Thaksin actively sought to position Thailand as a regional leader, spearheading various development projects in poorer neighboring countries like Laos. More controversially, he cultivated close ties with the Burmese military dictatorship, including extending a 4.00 B THB credit line to Myanmar to facilitate a satellite telecom deal with his family's business, a move that later led to corruption charges against him. He also energetically supported his former foreign minister, Surakiart Sathirathai's, campaign to become Secretary-General of the United Nations.

3.4. South Thailand Insurgency Response

The Thaksin government's response to the separatist insurgency in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand, which are predominantly Muslim and ethnic Malay, was highly controversial and drew significant human rights concerns. A resurgence of violence began in 2001, targeting police, military personnel, and schools, but also civilians, including Buddhist monks. Thaksin's management of the situation was widely criticized.

Several key incidents highlighted the controversial nature of his approach:

  • Krue Se Mosque Incident (April 2004):** The Army stormed the historic Krue Se Mosque, where protesters had taken refuge, resulting in the deaths of over 30 individuals.
  • Tak Bai Incident (October 2004):** In October 2004, 84 Muslim demonstrators were killed in Tak Bai, Narathiwat Province, after the Army violently dispersed a peaceful protest. Hundreds of detainees were forced at gunpoint to lie shackled and prone in Army trucks, stacked in layers. The trucks were delayed for hours, leading to 84 deaths from asphyxiation, crushing, or overheating. Investigations into the precise nature and cause of death faced scrutiny due to a lack of transparency.
  • Disappearance of Somchai Neelapaijit (March 2004):** A Muslim lawyer, Somchai Neelapaijit, disappeared after defending alleged insurgents who claimed to have been tortured. Despite witness testimony and forensic evidence, all allegations against police said to be involved were dropped, and the enforced disappearance case was closed.

Thaksin announced an escalation of military and police activity in the region. In July 2005, he enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three troubled provinces, raising concerns among human rights organizations that the decree could be used to violate civil liberties.

In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC), chaired by former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun, to seek peace in the South. The NRC's final report in June 2006 proposed introducing elements of Islamic law and making Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an official language in the region alongside Thai. However, the Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, and no concrete actions were taken. Thaksin also controversially blamed Malaysia's jungles for providing training grounds for Islamic militants and Indonesia for inspiring the insurgency.

3.5. Suvarnabhumi Airport Project

The Thaksin government pushed for the accelerated completion of the new Suvarnabhumi Airport, despite prior debates and long-abandoned plans due to concerns about ground stability. The airport was eventually opened just a week after Thaksin's government was overthrown in the 2006 coup.

Members of Thaksin's government faced allegations of corruption in the Suvarnabhumi Airport project. These allegations were used by the military junta to justify the 2006 coup. However, investigative panels appointed after the coup found that any damage to the airport was "minute" and "common," with repair costs estimated at less than one percent of the total airport cost. Critics of the junta accused it of intentionally delaying airport repairs and exacerbating problems to further implicate the Thaksin government.

3.6. Criticisms and Controversies (During Premiership)

Thaksin Shinawatra's premiership was subject to numerous criticisms and controversies, ranging from allegations of corruption benefiting his business interests to concerns over media freedom and authoritarian tendencies.

3.6.1. Policy Corruption

Thaksin was accused of "policy corruption," a term referring to policy decisions that, while appearing legal, allegedly abused the public's interest to benefit his business and family. Critics argued that such policies caused the state to incur significantly higher costs, with some estimates reaching 400.00 B THB. Examples cited included:

  • The Thailand Board of Investment (BOI) granting tax breaks worth 16.40 B THB to Shin Satellite for its iPSTAR project in 2003.
  • The Ministry of Transport's decision in 2003 to abolish the minimum airfare of 3.8 THB per kilometer, coinciding with Shin Corporation's joint venture with low-cost carrier AirAsia.

After the 2006 coup, the military junta-appointed Assets Examination Committee (AEC) froze Thaksin's assets, totaling 76.00 B THB (2.20 B USD), claiming he had become unusually wealthy while in office. Thaksin and his wife had declared assets of 15.10 B THB when he took office in 2001, though many assets had been transferred to his children and associates beforehand. Thaksin consistently denied the allegations, stating that the term "policy corruption" was "made up" and that his policies served the majority of the people. He argued that the stock price increases of Shin Corporation and other companies were part of a general market rise, and that industry deregulation actually caused AIS's market share to fall.

While Transparency International reported an improvement in Thailand's Corruption Perceptions Index score from 3.2 in 2001 to 3.8 in 2005 during his premiership, the World Bank's Worldwide Governance Indicators showed a lower score for "control of corruption" between 2002 and 2005 compared to the previous Democrat-led government. In 2008, Thaksin was sentenced to two years' imprisonment in absentia for corruption related to the Ratchadaphisek land deal, making him the first Thai politician to be convicted of corruption committed while serving as prime minister.

3.6.2. Media Control and Other Criticisms

Thaksin's government also faced criticism for alleged infringements on press freedom and other authoritarian tendencies. Accusations included exerting political influence in a crackdown on unlicensed community radio stations and initiating defamation lawsuits against critical journalists and media figures. For instance, after media mogul Sondhi Limthongkul accused Thaksin of various misdeeds, including masterminding the desecration of the Erawan Shrine, Thaksin filed a defamation lawsuit against him.

Beyond direct media control, critics, including opposition leader Abhisit Vejjajiva, highlighted what they perceived as Thaksin's disconnect from ordinary people, despite his populist rhetoric. Abhisit contrasted Thaksin's alleged opulence with the agrarian roots of his supporters, arguing that Thaksin was closer to the "ammart," or traditional elites, rather than the "phrai" (common people) he claimed to represent.

4. Political Crisis of 2005-2006 and Ouster

The period between 2005 and 2006 saw escalating political turmoil in Thailand, ultimately leading to Thaksin Shinawatra's removal from office by a military coup.

Campaign sign of Thai Rak Thai Party show the leadership of Thaksin as Party Leader
Campaign sign of Thai Rak Thai Party show the leadership of Thaksin as Party Leader
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, 19 September 2005
Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and Deputy Prime Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, 19 September 2005

4.1. 2005 Re-election and Early Protests

Under the slogans "Four Years of Repair-Four years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities," Thaksin and the Thai Rak Thai Party secured a landslide victory in the February 2005 general elections, winning 374 out of 500 seats in parliament. This election recorded the highest voter turnout in Thai history, further solidifying his mandate. However, his second term was quickly marred by protests and accusations of a "parliamentary dictatorship."

The political crisis intensified following accusations publicized by media mogul and talk show host Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter who had turned against him. Sondhi's allegations included that Thaksin:

  • Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after he published a sermon by a controversial monk.
  • Masterminded the desecration of the famous Erawan Shrine in 2006, an act alleged to be part of a black magic ritual to enhance Thaksin's power. Sondhi claimed Thaksin was "obsessed with bad beliefs" and used a "black magic shaman" to remove bad omens.

4.2. Shin Corporation Sale Controversy

A pivotal moment in the crisis was the controversial sale of the Shinawatra family's entire stake in Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings of Singapore on January 23, 2006. The Shinawatra and Damapong families reportedly netted about 73.00 B THB (approximately 1.88 B USD) tax-free from the sale, exploiting a regulation that exempted individuals selling shares on the stock exchange from capital gains tax. Critics accused Thaksin of orchestrating this sale for personal profit and tax evasion, further alleging that he amended laws to allow the sale of strategically important national assets to a foreign entity.

This transaction ignited large-scale protests, led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), whose leaders included Chamlong Srimuang and Sondhi Limthongkul. Tens of thousands of demonstrators occupied the area around Government House in Bangkok, demanding Thaksin's resignation.

4.3. Parliament Dissolution and Snap Election

In response to mounting pressure, Thaksin announced the dissolution of parliament on February 24, 2006, and scheduled snap general elections for April 2. This move was criticized for preventing any member of parliament from changing parties, and some editorial pieces argued that it exploited "impoverished, poorly informed masses" who were easily manipulated.

Despite a widespread boycott by major opposition parties, including the Democrats, Thai Rak Thai won the elections, securing 462 seats with a significant majority of votes cast. However, the boycott resulted in a high number of invalid votes and abstentions, and many TRT candidates in uncontested races failed to win the minimum 20% of votes required by the 1997 Constitution, necessitating by-elections for 40 seats. The Democrat Party refused to contest these by-elections and, along with the PAD, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them. Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would continue rallying until Thaksin resigned and a royally appointed prime minister was installed.

On April 4, 2006, Thaksin announced he would not accept the post of prime minister after parliament reconvened, though he would continue as caretaker until then. He delegated his functions to caretaker Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit. The by-elections were ultimately suspended by the Constitutional Court.

4.4. 2006 Military Coup

On May 8, 2006, the Constitutional Court ruled 8-6 to invalidate the April elections due to the awkward positioning of voting booths, declaring it a landmark case of "judicial activism" and ordering a new election for October 15, 2006. The court also found the Election Commissioners guilty of malfeasance and jailed them.

However, this new election was preempted by a military coup on September 19, 2006. While Thaksin was visiting New York City to attend a UN summit, the army, led by General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, seized control of Bangkok. Troops surrounded key government buildings and media outlets, arresting Deputy Prime Minister Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya. The military junta, initially calling itself the Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), justified the coup by citing Thaksin's alleged lèse-majesté, corruption, interference with state agencies, and creation of social divisions. They declared the King as head of state and promised prompt elections to restore democracy. Thaksin, then in New York, departed for Great Britain, effectively beginning his self-imposed exile.

The Constitutional Tribunal later dissolved the Thai Rak Thai party for electoral fraud, banning Thaksin and over 100 of its executives from politics for five years. The CNS-appointed Assets Examination Committee (AEC) froze Thaksin and his family's assets in Thailand, totaling 76.00 B THB (2.20 B USD), alleging he had become unusually wealthy in office. Thaksin had declared 15.10 B THB in assets when he took office in 2001, though many assets had been transferred to his children and associates prior to this.

In the aftermath of the coup, on December 31, 2006, Thaksin's diplomatic passport was revoked by the interim government, citing his alleged political activities while in exile. On February 26, 2010, the Supreme Court seized 46.00 B THB of his frozen assets, finding him guilty of abnormal wealth.

6. Return to Thailand and Recent Developments (2023-Present)

After years of speculation and multiple delayed announcements, Thaksin Shinawatra finally returned to Thailand in August 2023, marking a significant turning point in his life and in Thai politics.

Thaksin Shinawatra pays homage before the royal portrait of King Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida at Don Mueang International Airport upon his return to Thailand after 15 years of exile in August 2023.
Thaksin Shinawatra pays homage before the royal portrait of King Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida at Don Mueang International Airport upon his return to Thailand after 15 years of exile in August 2023.

6.1. Return Announcement and Initial Detention

During the lead-up to the 2023 Thai general election, Thaksin repeatedly announced his intention to return to Thailand, stating he was willing to serve his prison sentences to finally be with his family after 15 years of self-imposed exile. His return was linked by many observers to ongoing political negotiations, particularly as the Pheu Thai Party, founded on his political legacy, was attempting to form a new government.

On August 22, 2023, Thaksin arrived at Don Mueang International Airport in Bangkok from Singapore. His arrival coincided with the day that Srettha Thavisin, the Pheu Thai candidate, was voted in as prime minister. Upon arrival, Thaksin paid homage before the royal portrait of King Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida, met with his family and party members, and greeted awaiting supporters. His flight was the most tracked globally on Flightradar24, and the hashtag #ThaksinReturnsToThailand trended as number one on Twitter.

He was promptly taken to the Supreme Court, where he was formally acknowledged as a convicted fugitive and sentenced to eight years in prison for three cases (including the Ratchadaphisek land deal and two telecom-related cases). He was immediately transferred to Bangkok Remand Prison. However, on the same night, citing insomnia, chest tightness, and high blood pressure, Thaksin was transferred to the 14th floor of the Police General Hospital for medical treatment, a move that fueled public speculation about a pre-arranged deal with the military-backed establishment. His daughter, Paetongtarn, later stated he was fatigued and stressed and suffered from lingering COVID-19 symptoms. Political observers widely believed his return was part of a negotiated political settlement that brought military-aligned parties into the Pheu Thai-led coalition government, suggesting he would not serve his full sentence.

6.2. Royal Pardon and Parole

On September 1, 2023, after Thaksin submitted a formal royal pardon request, King Vajiralongkorn commuted his prison sentence from eight years to one year. This decision was officially announced in the Royal Gazette and cited Thaksin's health issues as a reason. The process involved then-caretaker Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha submitting the request to the King, not the newly appointed Prime Minister Srettha Thavisin.

On February 13, 2024, Thai Justice Minister Tawee Sodsong announced that Thaksin was among 930 prisoners granted parole due to age and health. He was officially released on parole on February 18, 2024, after spending six months receiving treatment at the Police General Hospital. Wearing a neck brace and accompanied by his daughters, he was driven from the hospital to his Bangkok mansion, Ban Chan Song La.

6.3. Post-Release Activities and New Charges

Following his parole, Thaksin Shinawatra has made several public appearances and resumed political and business activities, while also facing new legal challenges. On March 14, he made his first public appearance since his release at the City Pillar Shrine in Bangkok, accompanied by his daughter Paetongtarn, before traveling to Chiang Mai, his home province. He has since continued to engage in public life, including attending business events and local political rallies.

In May 2024, Thaksin was charged with lèse-majesté by the Attorney-General. The indictment stemmed from remarks he made during an interview with South Korean media in 2015 while in exile, concerning the 2014 military coup. On June 18, he was formally indicted for royal defamation, but the Criminal Court granted him bail, allowing him to avoid detention. He denied the charges, which were seen by some as a political pressure tactic amidst rising tensions between his faction and conservative forces. On August 17, 2024, Thaksin received a second royal pardon on the occasion of King Vajiralongkorn's birthday, which fully commuted his lèse-majesté sentence, effectively releasing him from this charge. He is also scheduled to issue a public apology over the Tak Bai Incident in February 2025.

Thaksin has actively participated in various engagements. On November 13, 2024, he campaigned for a Pheu Thai candidate, Sarawut Phechphanomporn, in the Udon Thani provincial administrative organization election, marking his first public political speech since his return. Sarawut won the election, with Pheu Thai officials acknowledging Thaksin's contribution. He has also participated in business forums, such as the Forbes Global CEO Conference 2024, and tech events like "AI Vision for Thailand," organized by his nephew's company and featuring Jensen Huang, CEO of Nvidia. Despite his active role, Thaksin is legally barred from officially joining political parties due to his past convictions.

6.4. Role in Family Politics

Thaksin Shinawatra's return has had a profound impact on his family's political trajectory. His youngest daughter, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, assumed the premiership in August 2024 following Srettha Thavisin's resignation. Thaksin was present at her appointment ceremony and stated his confidence that her political path would not replicate his own. He also affirmed that he would not seek any political positions himself given his age. His influence on his daughter's premiership and broader Thai politics remains a subject of considerable discussion and analysis.

7. Assessment and Legacy

Thaksin Shinawatra's political career and legacy are complex and highly divisive in Thailand, characterized by strong support from rural and working-class populations and fierce opposition from traditional elites, the urban middle class, and royalist factions.

7.1. Positive Assessments

Supporters and some analysts highlight several positive achievements of his premiership:

  • Economic Growth and Poverty Reduction:** Thaksinomics is credited with significantly boosting Thailand's economy after the 1997 Asian financial crisis, leading to substantial poverty reduction, particularly in rural areas. Programs like microcredit schemes and the "One Tambon One Product" initiative were praised for empowering local communities.
  • Universal Healthcare:** The "30 baht scheme" is widely recognized as a landmark achievement, dramatically expanding healthcare access to millions of previously uninsured Thais.
  • Strong Support Base:** Thaksin built a formidable political machine, the Thai Rak Thai Party, which garnered unprecedented support, especially among the rural poor in the populous north and northeast, who felt neglected by previous governments. This demonstrated his ability to connect directly with the masses and address their immediate needs.

7.2. Criticisms and Controversies

Thaksin's administration faced intense criticism for:

  • Corruption Allegations:** He was accused of "policy corruption," using his position to implement policies that benefited his family's business interests, particularly the Shin Corporation. The tax-free sale of Shin Corporation shares and the subsequent asset freezing by the military government were major sources of controversy. His conviction in the Ratchadaphisek land deal and the seizure of 46.00 B THB of his assets reinforced these perceptions for his critics.
  • Human Rights Abuses:** The "War on Drugs" campaign, which led to thousands of extrajudicial killings, and the harsh response to the South Thailand insurgency, including incidents like the Krue Se Mosque and Tak Bai massacres, were widely condemned by human rights organizations domestically and internationally. The disappearance of lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit also raised serious concerns about police impunity and human rights violations under his watch.
  • Authoritarian Tendencies:** Critics accused Thaksin of undermining democratic institutions and centralizing power. Concerns were raised about infringements on press freedom, including defamation lawsuits against critical journalists and alleged control over media outlets. His approach was sometimes described as a "parliamentary dictatorship."
  • Nepotism and Conflicts of Interest:** Allegations of appointing family members and close associates to influential positions and making policy decisions that favored his business empire led to accusations of nepotism and profound conflicts of interest.
  • Impact on Thai Democracy:** Opponents argued that his actions eroded the rule of law, weakened checks and balances, and deepened political divisions. The "Finland Plot" conspiracy theory, which alleged he sought to overthrow the monarchy, though unproven, contributed to distrust among royalist and conservative factions.

7.3. Impact on Thai Politics

Thaksin Shinawatra's influence on the Thai political landscape has been profound and enduring. His rise to power and subsequent ouster deepened the political polarization in Thailand, leading to the emergence of two major ideological factions: the "Red Shirts" (predominantly pro-Thaksin, often rural and working-class) and the "Yellow Shirts" (anti-Thaksin, often urban middle-class, royalist, and conservative). This divide has manifested in numerous street protests, judicial interventions, and two military coups (2006 and 2014) that have repeatedly disrupted democratic governance.

His populist approach fundamentally altered Thai electoral politics, shifting focus towards direct engagement with and benefits for the rural majority. Even from exile, he continued to be a central figure, influencing elections and maintaining a loyal support base. The ongoing political struggles in Thailand are often framed as a continuation of the "Thaksin versus anti-Thaksin" conflict, demonstrating his sustained and indelible impact on the country's political trajectory.

8. Personal Life

Thaksin Shinawatra married Potjaman Damapong in July 1976. They have three children: one son, Panthongtae Shinawatra, and two daughters, Pintongta (who later married Pitaka Suksawat) and Paetongtarn Shinawatra. The couple divorced in November 2008 while Thaksin was in exile. His youngest sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, also served as Prime Minister of Thailand from 2011 to 2014, and his youngest daughter, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, became Prime Minister in 2024. Thaksin is also related to Somchai Wongsawat (his brother-in-law, who was also Prime Minister).

Beyond his political and business careers, Thaksin has engaged in various personal interests. He helped run his father's cinemas from a young age and later pursued film production, although most of his films did not achieve commercial success. He also cultivated oranges and flowers. In October 2020, he reportedly contracted COVID-19 while in Dubai. As of July 2022, Forbes estimated his net worth at 2.00 B USD.

9. Honors and Awards

Thaksin Shinawatra has received numerous national and international honors, decorations, and academic awards throughout his career.

9.1. National Honors

  • 1996 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Exalted Order of the White Elephant
  • 1995 - Knight Grand Cordon (Special Class) of The Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
  • 2001 - Knight Grand Cross (First Class) of The Most Admirable Order of the Direkgunabhorn
  • 2002 - Knight Grand Commander of The Most Illustrious Order of Chula Chom Klao
  • 2003 - Boy Scout Citation Medal of Vajira, First Class

All of these royal decorations were officially recalled by King Rama X per a Royal Gazette publication on March 29, 2019, following his convictions and political controversies.

9.2. Foreign Honors

  • Cambodia: Grand Cross of the Royal Order of Sahametrei (2001)
  • Bahrain: Member 1st Class of the King Hamad Order of the Renaissance (2002)
  • Brunei: First Class of the Most Blessed Order of Loyalty to the State of Brunei (2002)
  • Sweden: Commander Grand Cross of the Royal Order of the Polar Star (2003)
  • Netherlands: Grand Cross of the Order of Orange-Nassau (2004)
  • Peru: Grand Cross of the Order of the Sun of Peru (2004)

9.3. Academic Ranks and Awards

  • 2007 - Visiting Professor of Takushoku University in Tokyo, Japan, focusing on Asian business and economic models.
  • Asean Business Man of the Year, from ASEAN Institute for Peace and Reconciliation (AIPR), in 1992.
  • Telecommunication Development for Social Welfare Award of 1993 from Telecommunication Society of Thailand.
  • The 1993 Outstanding Telecom Man of the Year Award, recognized by the Singapore Business Times as one of 12 Leading Asian Businessmen.
  • Asian CEO of the Year from Financial World magazine (1994).
  • Honorary Doctor of Arts (Communication Arts) from Thammasat University, Thailand (1994).
  • First Thai to be granted the "Lee Kuan Yew Exchange Fellowship" from Singapore.
  • Recognized as one of 50 Influential people in The World by Time magazine.
  • Outstanding Criminal Justice Alumnus Awards and Distinguished Alumni Award from Sam Houston State University.
  • The honorary award from the Mass Media Photographer Association of Thailand (1997).
  • International Forgiveness Award 2004, for individuals striving for peace and unity.
  • Honorary doctorate degree from Plekhanov Russian Academy of Economics (2007).
  • The ABLF Statesman Award 2012.
  • Recognized as the "Most Admired Person" in Thailand by YouGov, a UK-based internet market research and data analytics firm, in 2018.

10. Ancestry

Thaksin Shinawatra's ancestry reflects a blend of Chinese immigrant heritage and local Thai nobility. His great-grandfather, Seng Saekhu (Khu Chun Seng 丘春盛), an ethnic Chinese Hakka immigrant from Fengshun, Guangdong, China, arrived in Siam in the 1860s and eventually settled in Chiang Mai in 1908, where he made his fortune through tax farming. Seng Saekhu married Thongdi.

Seng's eldest son, Chiang Saekhu (born in Chanthaburi in 1890), married a local Thai woman named Saeng Samana. Their eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra in 1938 as part of the country's Thaification movement, and the rest of the family followed suit.

Thaksin's father, Loet Shinawatra, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919. He married Yindi Ramingwong. Yindi's father, Charoen Ramingwong (born Wang Chuan Cheng), was also a Chinese Hakka immigrant who married Princess Chanthip na Chiangmai, a minor member of the Lanna (Chiang Mai) royal family. Princess Chanthip was the daughter of Prince Chaisongkhram (Somphamit na Chiangmai) and Usa na Chiangmai. This lineage highlights Thaksin's connection to both Chinese entrepreneurial roots and traditional Northern Thai aristocracy.