1. Overview
Lebanon, officially the Republic of Lebanon, is a country located in the Levant region of West Asia. It is situated at the crossroads of the Mediterranean Basin and the Arabian Peninsula, bordered by Syria to the north and east, Israel to the south, and the Mediterranean Sea to the west, with Cyprus lying a short distance from its coastline. The country has a population of over five million and covers an area of 4.0 K mile2 (10.45 K km2). Its capital and largest city is Beirut.
Human presence in Lebanon dates back over 7,000 years. The region was home to the Phoenicians, a maritime civilization, for nearly three millennia before becoming part of various empires, including the Roman and Ottoman. Following World War I, the area fell under a French mandate, leading to the creation of modern Lebanon, which gained independence in 1943. Lebanon established a unique political system known as confessionalism, which allocates political power among its diverse religious communities. This system, while intended to maintain balance, has contributed to periods of political instability and conflict.
Lebanon's history has been marked by periods of economic prosperity, particularly as a regional hub for finance and tourism, earning Beirut the nickname "Paris of the Middle East." However, this stability was shattered by the devastating Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990), which had profound social and economic consequences and led to foreign military interventions by Syria and Israel. The post-war era saw reconstruction efforts but also continued political tensions, Syrian influence, and further conflicts.
Since 2019, Lebanon has been grappling with a severe multi-faceted crisis, including an economic collapse considered one of the worst globally since the mid-19th century, political paralysis, widespread protests demanding social justice and reform, and the catastrophic 2020 Beirut explosion. This crisis has led to soaring poverty rates, a currency devaluation, and significant challenges to human rights, public services, and the welfare of its diverse population, including large refugee communities.
2. Etymology
The name "Lebanon" (لُبْنَانLubnānArabic; لِبنانLibnénapc in Lebanese Arabic) originates from the Semitic root LBN, which is associated with meanings such as "white" or "milk" in various Semitic languages. This is widely believed to refer to the snow-capped peaks of Mount Lebanon. The Phoenician form of the name was lbnSemitic languages (𐤋𐤁𐤍LBNPhoenician).
Occurrences of the name have been found in ancient texts, including three of the twelve tablets of the Epic of Gilgamesh (dating back to around 2900 BC) and records from the library of Ebla (around 2400 BC). The name is also recorded in ancient Egyptian texts as Rmnn (𓂋𓏠𓈖𓈖𓈉Egyptian (Ancient)), where the hieroglyphs lacked a direct equivalent for the 'L' sound. In the Hebrew Bible, the name appears nearly 70 times as לְבָנוֹןLəḇānonHebrew.
The use of "Lebanon" as the name for an administrative unit, rather than just the mountain range, was introduced with the Ottoman reforms of 1861, establishing the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate (متصرفية جبل لبنانMutasarrifiyyat Jabal LubnānArabic; Cebel-i Lübnan MutasarrıflığıTurkish). This administrative designation continued with the creation of Greater Lebanon (دولة لبنان الكبيرDawlat Lubnān al-KabīrArabic; État du Grand LibanFrench) in 1920 under the French Mandate. Ultimately, it became the name of the sovereign Republic of Lebanon (الجمهورية اللبنانيةal-Jumhūrīyah al-LubnāniyyahArabic) upon its independence in 1943.
3. History
Lebanon's history is a rich tapestry woven from the threads of ancient civilizations, medieval conquests, colonial rule, and modern struggles for identity and stability. From the maritime prowess of the Phoenicians to the complexities of its post-independence era, the region has been a constant crossroads of cultures and powers, profoundly shaping its society, politics, and the lives of its people. The historical narrative is marked by periods of flourishing cultural exchange and economic prosperity, often interrupted by conflict, foreign intervention, and internal sectarian divisions, all of which have had lasting impacts on human rights and democratic development.
3.1. Antiquity
Evidence of early human settlement in Lebanon dates back further than 5000 BC. Archaeological discoveries in Byblos, considered one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world, have unearthed remnants of prehistoric huts with crushed limestone floors, primitive weapons, and burial jars left by Neolithic and Chalcolithic fishing communities who lived on the Mediterranean Sea coast over 7,000 years ago. The Natufian culture was among the first to become sedentary in the region around 12000 BC.
Lebanon was part of northern Canaan and subsequently became the homeland of the Canaanite descendants, the Phoenicians. The Phoenicians were a seafaring people based in the coastal strip of the northern Levant who established a vast trade network and colonies across the Mediterranean in the first millennium BC. Their most prominent city-states included Byblos, Sidon, and Tyre. According to biblical accounts, King Hiram I of Tyre collaborated closely with King Solomon, supplying cedar logs for the construction of Solomon's Temple and sending skilled workers. The Phoenicians are credited with the invention of the oldest verified alphabet, which profoundly influenced later writing systems, including the Greek alphabet and subsequently the Latin alphabet. By the 9th century BC, Phoenician colonies such as Carthage in present-day Tunisia and Cádiz in present-day Spain flourished.
The region later came under the sway of various empires. The Neo-Assyrian Empire imposed tribute, followed by the Neo-Babylonian Empire in the 6th century BC. In 539 BC, Cyrus the Great incorporated the Phoenician cities into the Achaemenid Empire. The Phoenician city-states were later conquered by Alexander the Great following the siege of Tyre in 332 BC.
In 64 BC, the Roman general Pompey annexed the region of Syria, including present-day Lebanon, into the Roman Republic. Under the Roman Empire, the area was divided into Imperial Provinces, with Lebanon being part of Phoenice. The region became a major center of Christianity during the early spread of the faith. In the late 4th and early 5th centuries, a hermit named Maron established a monastic tradition near Mount Lebanon, emphasizing monotheism and asceticism. His followers, who became known as Maronites, spread his teachings and often sought refuge in the mountains to avoid religious persecution by Roman authorities. During the frequent Roman-Persian Wars, the Sasanian Empire briefly occupied what is now Lebanon from 619 to 629 AD before it returned to Byzantine (Eastern Roman) rule.
3.2. Middle Ages

In the 7th century, Muslim Arab armies conquered Syria from the Byzantine Empire, incorporating the region, including modern-day Lebanon, into the Islamic Caliphate. During the era of Caliph Uthman (644-656), Mu'awiya I, then governor of Syria, initiated efforts to consolidate Islamic rule, leading to conversions to Islam among coastal populations, while mountainous areas often retained their Christian or other cultural and religious practices. Islam and the Arabic language became officially dominant, but the conversion of the population from Christianity and the Syriac language was a gradual process. The Maronite community, in particular, maintained a significant degree of autonomy. The relative isolation of the Lebanese mountains served as a refuge for various religious groups, including Maronites, Druze (a faith that emerged from a branch of Shia Islam in the 11th century and gained followers in southern Mount Lebanon), Shia Muslims, Ismailis, Alawites, and Jacobites.
After the Islamic conquest, Mediterranean trade declined for several centuries due to conflicts with the Byzantines. However, by the 980s, under the Fatimid Caliphate, trade along the Lebanese coast revived, with cities like Tripoli and Tyre flourishing through exports such as textiles, sugar, and glassware. Christians and Jews were often subject to the jizya, a poll tax levied on non-Muslims.
The 11th century saw the arrival of the Crusades, launched by Western European Franks to reclaim former Byzantine Christian territories in the Eastern Mediterranean. The First Crusade led to the establishment of Roman Catholic Christian states along the coast, including the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the County of Tripoli, which encompassed parts of present-day Lebanon. These Crusader states had a lasting impact, fostering contact between the Franks and the local Maronite Christians, who, unlike other Eastern Christian communities, proclaimed allegiance to the Pope in Rome. This led to centuries of support for the Maronites from France and Italy. However, Crusader control was limited, and the region returned to full Muslim rule after two centuries, following conquests by the Ayyubids and then the Mamluks in the 13th century. Areas like Keserwan, Jabal Amel, and the Beqaa Valley were ruled by Shia feudal families under the Mamluks and later the Ottomans. Major coastal cities were directly administered by Muslim rulers, and their populations became more fully absorbed into Arab culture.
3.3. Ottoman Rule

In 1516, Lebanon became part of the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman administration was often indirect, exercised through local emirs. The territory of present-day Lebanon was divided into provinces: Northern and Southern Mount Lebanon, Tripoli, Baalbek and Beqaa Valley, and Jabal Amil.
In 1590, the Druze leader Fakhr al-Din II rose to prominence in southern Mount Lebanon, eventually being appointed as a Sanjak-bey (district governor) overseeing tax collection and expanding his influence. He built fortifications, including one in Palmyra. His growing power alarmed the Ottoman Sultan Murad IV, who launched a punitive expedition in 1633. Fakhr al-Din II was captured and executed in 1635. His surviving family members continued to govern a reduced area under closer Ottoman supervision. Later, members of the Shihab clan ruled Mount Lebanon until 1830.
Historically, Druze-Christian relations in Lebanon were often marked by harmony and coexistence. However, tensions occasionally flared, notably during the 1860 Mount Lebanon civil war, in which thousands of Christians were killed by Druze forces. This conflict led to European intervention and the establishment of the Mount Lebanon Mutasarrifate (1861-1918). This autonomous region, created under European diplomatic pressure, was intended as a homeland for the Maronites and was governed by a Christian mutasarrıf (governor) appointed by the Ottoman Sultan but approved by European powers. This period saw the institutionalization of the "Maronite-Druze dualism" in governance, a precursor to Lebanon's later confessional system.

The Baalbek and Beqaa Valley, as well as Jabal Amel, were intermittently ruled by various Shia feudal families, such as the Al Ali Alsagheer in Jabal Amel, until 1865 when the Ottomans imposed direct rule. Youssef Bey Karam, a Lebanese nationalist, played an influential role in Lebanon's pursuit of independence during this era.
During World War I, the Ottoman army assumed direct control over Lebanon, disrupting supplies and confiscating animals, which led to a severe famine. Approximately 100,000 people in Beirut and Mount Lebanon died from starvation, a devastating human toll that underscored the harshness of direct Ottoman wartime administration and its impact on the civilian population.
3.4. French Mandate
During World War I, the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement, a secret pact between Britain and France, designated Lebanon and surrounding areas as regions of potential French influence or control. After the Allied victory and the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, these plans began to materialize. Patriarch Elias Peter Hoayek, representing Maronite Christians, successfully campaigned at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference for an expanded Lebanese territory. This expanded entity was to include not only the predominantly Christian Mount Lebanon but also areas with significant Muslim and Druze populations, a decision that would have long-term consequences for Lebanon's sectarian balance.
In 1920, King Faisal I proclaimed the independence of the Arab Kingdom of Syria, asserting control over Lebanon. However, his kingdom was short-lived, defeated by French forces at the Battle of Maysalun. At the San Remo Conference in the same year, it was decided that Syria and Lebanon would fall under French rule as a League of Nations Mandate. This was formalized by the Treaty of Sèvres.
On September 1, 1920, Greater Lebanon (Grand LibanFrench) was officially established under French control, uniting Mount Lebanon with North Lebanon, South Lebanon, and the Beqaa Valley, with Beirut as its capital. These boundaries largely correspond to present-day Lebanon. The mandate was ratified in July 1922. On May 23, 1926, the Lebanese Constitution was adopted, inspired by the French constitution, and the Lebanese Republic was proclaimed on September 1 of that year. While a Lebanese government was established, ultimate authority remained with France.
3.4.1. World War II and Path to Independence

During World War II, Lebanon gained a measure of independence while France was occupied by Germany. General Henri Dentz, the Vichy High Commissioner for Syria and Lebanon, played a role in this period. In 1941, Vichy authorities allowed Germany to move aircraft and supplies through Syria to Iraq for use against British forces. Fearing Nazi Germany would gain control of Lebanon and Syria, the United Kingdom, alongside Free French forces, launched the Syria-Lebanon campaign and ousted the Vichy regime.
After the fighting, General Charles de Gaulle visited the area. Under political pressure from both within and outside Lebanon, de Gaulle recognized Lebanese independence. On November 26, 1941, General Georges Catroux, representing Free France, announced that Lebanon would become independent. Elections were held in 1943, and on November 8, 1943, the new Lebanese government unilaterally abolished the mandate. The French reacted by imprisoning the new government officials. This sparked widespread protests by Lebanese nationalists, and the British intervened diplomatically on their behalf. Facing intense British pressure and domestic unrest, the French reluctantly released the government officials on November 22, 1943, a day now celebrated as Lebanon's Independence Day. The last French troops withdrew in December 1946. This struggle for sovereignty highlighted the popular desire for self-determination and laid the groundwork for a complex post-colonial nation.
3.5. Post-Independence Era
Following full independence in 1943, Lebanon embarked on nation-building. The unwritten National Pact of 1943 established the confessional system of power-sharing: the president was to be a Maronite Christian, the prime minister a Sunni Muslim, and the speaker of parliament a Shia Muslim, with other posts distributed among various sects. This arrangement aimed to ensure representation for all major religious groups and maintain a delicate balance.
The early post-independence years saw periods of economic prosperity, with Beirut solidifying its position as a regional center for finance and trade, often dubbed the "Switzerland of the Middle East" or "Paris of the Middle East." However, this prosperity was not evenly distributed, and underlying sectarian tensions and socio-economic disparities persisted.
In May 1948, Lebanon nominally supported neighboring Arab countries in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, though its military involvement was minimal. Some irregular forces crossed the border, and the Lebanese army engaged in minor skirmishes, capturing Al-Malkiyya in one notable success. The war resulted in an influx of around 100,000 Palestinian refugees into Lebanon, who were not permitted to return by Israel. This refugee population, often living in camps and facing legal restrictions on property ownership and employment, became a significant factor in Lebanon's social and political landscape, with their presence and statelessness contributing to future instability and human rights concerns.
Political stability was challenged during the 1958 crisis. This insurrection, fueled by internal tensions and regional Cold War politics (particularly President Camille Chamoun's pro-Western stance and Arab nationalist sentiments inspired by Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser), saw Lebanese Muslims and other groups demanding closer ties with the United Arab Republic. Chamoun requested assistance from the United States, leading to a brief intervention by U.S. Marines. The crisis was resolved with the election of former general Fouad Chehab as president, who pursued a more moderate course and sought to bridge sectarian divides. Despite these efforts, the seeds of future conflict, rooted in sectarianism, socio-economic inequalities, and regional rivalries, continued to grow.
3.6. Lebanese Civil War and Foreign Occupations
The Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) was a devastating period that profoundly reshaped Lebanese society, politics, and its international standing. It was a multifaceted conflict involving a complex web of internal sectarian militias, political factions, and significant foreign interventions, most notably by Syria and Israel. The war inflicted massive human suffering, resulted in large-scale displacement, and shattered the country's economy and infrastructure, leaving deep scars on the national psyche and exacerbating human rights issues.
3.6.1. Causes and Outbreak

The causes of the Lebanese Civil War were numerous and deeply rooted. Key among them were long-standing sectarian tensions inherent in Lebanon's confessional political system, which, while designed for power-sharing, often exacerbated divisions. Socio-economic disparities between different communities and regions fueled resentment. The growing presence and military activities of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon, particularly after their expulsion from Jordan in 1970 (Black September in Jordan), became a major catalyst. PLO militants established bases in South Lebanon (dubbed "Fatahland") and launched attacks against Israel, drawing Israeli reprisals and further destabilizing the country. This increased the friction between Palestinian groups and various Lebanese factions, particularly Maronite Christian militias who opposed the PLO's autonomy and military actions on Lebanese soil. Regional power struggles and Cold War dynamics also played a significant role, with various external actors supporting different factions within Lebanon. The conflict officially began in April 1975 with clashes between Christian Phalangist militias and Palestinian fighters in Beirut.
3.6.2. Major Phases and Belligerents
The civil war evolved through several phases, characterized by shifting alliances and widespread violence. The main belligerents included:
- The Lebanese National Movement (LNM), a coalition of leftist, pan-Arabist, and Muslim groups, allied with the PLO.
- The Lebanese Front, a coalition of predominantly Maronite Christian right-wing parties and militias, including the Phalangists, the National Liberals, and later the Lebanese Forces.
- Various other sectarian militias, including Shia groups like the Amal Movement and, later, Hezbollah, and Druze militias led by figures like Kamal Jumblatt (initially) and then his son Walid Jumblatt.
The war saw brutal fighting, sectarian massacres, and the fragmentation of the country into cantons controlled by different militias. Beirut itself was divided by the "Green Line" separating predominantly Muslim West Beirut from predominantly Christian East Beirut.
3.6.3. Foreign Interventions and Occupations

Foreign powers became deeply involved in the Lebanese Civil War, further complicating the conflict and undermining Lebanese sovereignty.
- Syrian Intervention: In June 1976, at the request of Lebanese President Élias Sarkis and initially to support the Christian militias against the LNM-PLO alliance, Syrian forces intervened in Lebanon. This intervention evolved into a long-term Syrian military and political domination that lasted until 2005. Syria's objectives shifted over time, often playing different factions against each other to maintain its influence.
- Israeli Interventions and Occupation: Israel launched several major military operations in Lebanon.
- In 1978, following the Coastal Road massacre by Palestinian militants, Israel launched Operation Litani, occupying a strip of Southern Lebanon up to the Litani River. This led to the creation of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) by UNSC Resolution 425, which called for Israeli withdrawal.
- In 1982, Israel launched a full-scale invasion (the 1982 Lebanon War), aiming to expel the PLO from Lebanon. Israeli forces besieged Beirut and forced the PLO's evacuation under the supervision of a Multinational Force. The invasion led to the Sabra and Shatila massacre, perpetrated by Phalangist militias under Israeli military oversight, which caused international outrage and highlighted grave human rights violations. Israel eventually withdrew from most of Lebanon but maintained an occupation zone in Southern Lebanon until 2000, supported by the South Lebanon Army (SLA) militia. This occupation faced sustained resistance, notably from the newly formed Hezbollah.
The presence of these foreign forces exacerbated the suffering of the Lebanese people, led to widespread human rights abuses, and significantly hindered efforts to restore peace and national unity.
3.6.4. Taif Agreement and End of the War

After 15 years of devastating conflict, the Taif Agreement, brokered by an Arab League committee in Ta'if, Saudi Arabia, was signed in October 1989. The agreement aimed to end the war and reform Lebanon's political system. Its key provisions included:
- Reaffirming Lebanon's confessional power-sharing system but adjusting the Christian-Muslim representation in Parliament from 6:5 to 1:1 (equal).
- Reducing the powers of the Maronite president and increasing those of the Sunni prime minister and the Shia speaker of parliament.
- Calling for the disarmament of all Lebanese militias (though Hezbollah was later allowed to retain its arms as a "resistance" force against Israeli occupation).
- Outlining a framework for Syrian withdrawal, though this was vaguely worded and its implementation was delayed for many years.
The Taif Agreement formally ended the civil war in 1990. The conflict had resulted in an estimated 150,000 deaths, hundreds of thousands wounded, and the displacement of nearly a million civilians. It left Lebanon's economy and infrastructure in ruins and deeply traumatized its society. While the agreement brought an end to large-scale fighting, many of its provisions were only partially implemented, and the underlying sectarian tensions and external influences continued to shape Lebanon's turbulent future.
3.7. Post-Civil War Reconstruction and Syrian Influence
The period following the end of the Lebanese Civil War in 1990 was characterized by efforts to rebuild the nation, but also by significant Syrian political and military dominance. This era saw complex political developments, economic challenges, and eventually, a popular uprising that led to a major shift in the regional power dynamic.
3.7.1. Reconstruction Efforts and Political Developments

Rebuilding Lebanon's shattered infrastructure and economy was a monumental task. Rafic Hariri, a Sunni billionaire businessman who became prime minister multiple times during this period, spearheaded massive reconstruction projects, particularly in Beirut, with significant international financial support. However, these efforts were often criticized for leading to increased national debt, corruption, and for not adequately addressing social inequalities or the needs of poorer regions.
Politically, the Taif Agreement was implemented, re-establishing state institutions, but Syria maintained a heavy military presence (around 40,000 troops at its peak) and exerted considerable influence over Lebanese political appointments, elections, and policy decisions. This period, sometimes referred to as "Pax Syriana," brought a degree of stability but at the cost of Lebanese sovereignty and democratic accountability. Pro-Syrian factions held significant sway, while anti-Syrian voices were often marginalized or suppressed.
The Israeli occupation of Southern Lebanon continued until May 2000, when Israeli forces unilaterally withdrew following sustained resistance, primarily from Hezbollah. This withdrawal was celebrated in Lebanon as a victory and significantly boosted Hezbollah's legitimacy and influence, particularly among the Shia community. However, the border area remained tense, with periodic clashes.
3.7.2. Cedar Revolution and Syrian Withdrawal

The assassination of former Prime Minister Rafic Hariri in a massive car bomb explosion in Beirut on February 14, 2005, became a watershed moment. Hariri had increasingly opposed Syrian dominance. Many Lebanese, particularly from the anti-Syrian March 14 Alliance, accused Syria and its Lebanese allies of orchestrating the assassination. This event sparked widespread outrage and led to massive, peaceful demonstrations known as the Cedar Revolution (or Independence Intifada).
The protests, unprecedented in their scale and cross-sectarian participation, demanded the truth behind Hariri's assassination, an end to Syrian tutelage, and the full withdrawal of Syrian troops. International pressure, particularly from the United States and France, mounted on Syria. In response to the domestic and international outcry, Syria began withdrawing its forces in March 2005, and the last Syrian soldiers left Lebanon on April 26, 2005, ending nearly three decades of military presence.
The United Nations Security Council established the Special Tribunal for Lebanon to investigate Hariri's assassination. The Mehlis report, an initial UN investigation, implicated Syrian and Lebanese intelligence officials, further straining relations. The withdrawal of Syrian troops was a significant victory for Lebanese sovereignty, but the country remained deeply divided between the pro-Syrian March 8 Alliance (led by Hezbollah and Amal) and the anti-Syrian March 14 Alliance. This division continued to paralyze political life and hinder democratic progress.
3.7.3. Spillover from the Syrian Civil War

The outbreak of the Syrian Civil War in 2011 had a profound and destabilizing impact on Lebanon. The conflict led to:
- Refugee Influx**: Lebanon, a small country with its own economic and social challenges, experienced a massive influx of Syrian refugees. By 2014, the number of registered Syrian refugees exceeded one million, making Lebanon the country with the highest per capita refugee population in the world. This placed immense strain on Lebanon's resources, infrastructure, public services (health, education), and social fabric. Refugee communities often faced dire living conditions, poverty, and limited access to aid, raising significant human rights concerns.
- Security Challenges**: The Syrian conflict spilled over into Lebanon in various forms. Sectarian tensions, already present in Lebanon, were exacerbated, leading to violent clashes, particularly in cities like Tripoli, between Sunni supporters of the Syrian opposition and Alawite supporters of the Assad regime. The border regions became particularly volatile, with incidents of shelling, smuggling, and the movement of militants. Hezbollah openly intervened in the Syrian war on the side of the Assad regime, a decision that was highly divisive within Lebanon and drew the country further into the regional conflict.
- Political Reverberations**: The Syrian war deepened political divisions within Lebanon. The March 8 Alliance generally supported the Assad regime, while the March 14 Alliance largely backed the Syrian opposition. This polarization contributed to political gridlock, including prolonged periods without a president and difficulties in forming governments, further hindering the country's ability to address its pressing economic and social problems. The crisis also impacted Lebanon's already fragile economy, disrupting trade routes and investment.
The spillover effects highlighted Lebanon's vulnerability to regional instability and the enduring impact of external conflicts on its domestic situation and the well-being of its population, particularly the most vulnerable groups.
3.8. National Crisis (2019-present)
Since late 2019, Lebanon has been engulfed in a severe and multifaceted national crisis, arguably the worst in its history. This crisis encompasses a devastating economic collapse, profound political paralysis, social unrest, and a catastrophic industrial accident, all of which have had dire consequences for the Lebanese population, particularly for vulnerable groups, and have raised acute human rights concerns.
3.8.1. Economic Collapse and Liquidity Crisis

The Lebanese economy, long burdened by mismanagement, corruption, unsustainable fiscal policies, and a financial system described by many as a Ponzi scheme, began to unravel dramatically in 2019. Key features of the collapse include:
- Hyperinflation and Currency Devaluation**: The Lebanese pound, officially pegged to the US dollar for decades, lost more than 90% of its value on the black market. This led to hyperinflation, decimating savings, eroding wages, and making essential goods unaffordable for a large segment of the population. On February 1, 2023, the central bank officially devalued the pound by 90%, the first such move in 25 years.
- Banking Crisis and Capital Controls**: Banks imposed informal and arbitrary capital controls, severely restricting withdrawals of US dollars and trapping depositors' savings. This led to a loss of public trust in the banking sector, which was once a pillar of the Lebanese economy.
- Sovereign Default**: In March 2020, Lebanon defaulted on its Eurobond debt for the first time in its history, signaling the depth of the financial crisis.
- Poverty and Unemployment**: Poverty rates soared, with the United Nations estimating that over 80% of the population was living in poverty by 2021-2022. Unemployment, especially among youth, reached alarming levels.
The World Bank has described Lebanon's economic crisis as one of the most severe global crises since the mid-19th century, a man-made disaster caused by decades of poor governance.
3.8.2. 2019 Protests (17 October Revolution)

On October 17, 2019, widespread, cross-sectarian protests erupted across Lebanon, initially triggered by proposed taxes on items like gasoline, tobacco, and WhatsApp calls. These demonstrations, known as the "17 October Revolution" (ثورة 17 تشرين الأولThawrat Sab'at 'ashar Tisreen al-AwwalArabic), quickly evolved into a broader condemnation of the ruling political elite, endemic corruption, sectarianism, economic mismanagement, and the failure of the state to provide basic services like electricity, water, and sanitation.
The protests were notable for their non-sectarian nature, with citizens from all religious backgrounds demanding systemic change and accountability. Prime Minister Saad Hariri resigned in response to the protests, but the political class largely resisted fundamental reforms, leading to continued popular frustration and periodic resurgences of demonstrations. Former Minister of Education Hassan Diab was designated as the next prime minister.
3.8.3. 2020 Beirut Explosion and Aftermath
On August 4, 2020, a massive explosion occurred at the Port of Beirut, devastating large parts of the capital. The blast, caused by the accidental detonation of approximately 2,750 tonnes of ammonium nitrate that had been unsafely stored at the port for years, killed over 200 people, injured thousands, and left hundreds of thousands homeless. The explosion inflicted billions of dollars in property damage and severely damaged critical infrastructure, including hospitals and grain silos, exacerbating the country's food security and health crises.
The disaster was widely seen as a tragic consequence of government negligence, corruption, and mismanagement, further fueling public anger. Protests intensified, leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Hassan Diab and his cabinet on August 10, 2020, though they continued in a caretaker capacity. Efforts to investigate the explosion and hold those responsible accountable have been hampered by political interference, leading to widespread frustration among victims' families and human rights organizations.
3.8.4. Ongoing Political Instability and Social Impact
Lebanon has continued to suffer from profound political instability. Forming a new government proved difficult, with Najib Mikati eventually forming a cabinet in September 2021. Parliamentary elections were held in May 2022, which saw some gains for reformist candidates and losses for established parties, including Hezbollah and its allies losing their parliamentary majority, but did not fundamentally alter the power dynamics or resolve the political deadlock. The presidency remained vacant for two years after Michel Aoun's term ended in October 2022, until Joseph Aoun, the army commander, was elected in January 2025. A new government led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam was formed in February 2025.
The social impact of the crisis has been devastating:
- Erosion of Public Services**: Chronic electricity shortages became the norm, with state power often available for only a few hours a day, forcing reliance on expensive private generators. Access to clean water, healthcare, and education deteriorated significantly.
- Health Crisis**: The healthcare system, already strained, neared collapse, with hospitals facing shortages of medicines, equipment, and staff, many of whom emigrated.
- Migration**: The crisis triggered a new wave of emigration, including skilled professionals, further depleting the country's human capital. Desperate attempts by some Lebanese to leave the country by sea on unsafe boats led to tragic drownings.
- Human Rights**: The crisis exacerbated human rights concerns, including freedom of expression, the rights of refugees and migrant workers, and access to justice.
The Israel-Hamas war beginning in late 2023 sparked a renewed conflict between Israel and Hezbollah along Lebanon's southern border. This escalated severely in September 2024 with Israeli explosions of pagers and walkie-talkies used by Hezbollah, followed by widespread Israeli airstrikes on Lebanon that killed hundreds and displaced over a million people from southern Lebanon. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was killed in an Israeli airstrike on September 27, 2024. On October 1, 2024, Israel launched a ground invasion of southern Lebanon aimed at destroying Hezbollah infrastructure. A ceasefire agreement was signed in November 2024, stipulating Hezbollah's withdrawal from southern Lebanon and a corresponding Israeli troop withdrawal over a 60-day period. The fall of the Assad regime in Syria in December 2024 was seen as a further blow to Hezbollah and a potential turning point for Lebanese politics.
4. Geography
Lebanon's geography is characterized by its Mediterranean coastline, prominent mountain ranges, and fertile valleys, all packed into a relatively small area. This diverse topography influences its climate, biodiversity, and human settlement patterns.

Lebanon is located in West Asia, situated on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. It lies between latitudes 33° and 35° N and longitudes 35° and 37° E. The country's total surface area is approximately 4.0 K mile2 (10.45 K km2), of which 3.9 K mile2 (10.23 K km2) is land. Lebanon has a coastline of 140 mile (225 km) along the Mediterranean Sea to the west. It shares a 233 mile (375 km) border with Syria to the north and east, and a 49 mile (79 km) border with Israel to the south. The border with the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights includes a disputed area known as the Shebaa Farms.
4.1. Topography and Regions

Lebanon can be divided into four main physiographic regions, running generally parallel to the coast:
1. **Coastal Plain**: A narrow and discontinuous strip of fertile land along the Mediterranean. It widens in the north to form the Akkar Plain and in the south around cities like Sidon and Tyre. This plain is formed by marine sediments and river-deposited alluvium, alternating with sandy bays and rocky beaches.
2. **Mount Lebanon Range**: A steep mountain range rising sharply from the coastal plain and running for most of the country's length. It is primarily composed of limestone and sandstone. This range is characterized by narrow and deep gorges. It peaks at 10 K ft (3.09 K m) at Qurnat as Sawda' in North Lebanon, the highest point in the country. The range gradually slopes southward before rising again to 8.8 K ft (2.69 K m) at Mount Sannine.
3. **Beqaa Valley**: Situated between the Mount Lebanon range to the west and the Anti-Lebanon range to the east, the Beqaa Valley is part of the Great Rift Valley system. It is a fertile agricultural region, approximately 112 mile (180 km) long and 6.2 mile (10 km) to 16 mile (26 km) wide, with soil formed by alluvial deposits. The Litani River, Lebanon's longest river at 90 mile (145 km), rises in the Beqaa Valley and flows south before turning west to empty into the Mediterranean Sea north of Tyre.
4. **Anti-Lebanon Mountains**: This range runs parallel to the Mount Lebanon range along the eastern border with Syria. Its highest peak within or on the Lebanese border is Mount Hermon (Jabal al-Sheikh) at 9.2 K ft (2.81 K m).
Lebanon has 16 rivers, all of which are non-navigable. Thirteen originate on Mount Lebanon and flow through steep gorges into the Mediterranean; the other three arise in the Beqaa Valley.
4.2. Climate
Lebanon has a predominantly Mediterranean climate (Köppen climate classification: Csa), characterized by hot, dry summers and cool, rainy winters. However, there are significant regional variations due to topography:
- Coastal Areas**: Experience mild, rainy winters and hot, humid summers.
- Mount Lebanon Range**: Higher elevations see colder winters with significant snowfall, often remaining on the peaks until early summer. Temperatures can drop below freezing. This region receives the highest precipitation.
- Beqaa Valley**: Has a more continental climate with hotter summers and colder winters than the coast. It lies in the rain shadow of Mount Lebanon, receiving less rainfall.
- Anti-Lebanon Mountains**: Also experience cold, snowy winters.
Most of Lebanon receives a relatively large amount of rainfall annually compared to its arid surroundings, particularly on the western slopes of the Mount Lebanon range. However, certain areas in northeastern Lebanon receive less precipitation due to the rain shadow effect. Severe weather events, such as Storm Adam in February 2025, can bring unusually cold temperatures and snowfall to lower elevations.
4.3. Environment
Lebanon's environment is rich in biodiversity but faces significant challenges from human activity and environmental degradation. The country's natural heritage, symbolized by the iconic Cedar of Lebanon, is under pressure from deforestation, pollution, and inadequate waste management, issues exacerbated by conflict and economic crises.
4.3.1. Flora and Fauna


In ancient times, Lebanon was extensively covered by forests of cedar trees (Cedrus libani), which are the national emblem of the country. These majestic trees were prized in antiquity for construction and shipbuilding. Today, millennia of deforestation have drastically reduced the extent of old-growth cedar forests, which are now found only in isolated pockets.
Lebanon's diverse topography supports a variety of ecosystems and a rich array of plant and animal life. Besides cedars, other native trees include pine, oak, fir, juniper, and wild almond. The country is home to numerous species of mammals, birds, reptiles, and amphibians, though many face threats from habitat loss and hunting. Lebanon lies on important bird migration routes.
The country contains two terrestrial ecoregions: Eastern Mediterranean conifer-sclerophyllous-broadleaf forests and Southern Anatolian montane conifer and deciduous forests.
4.3.2. Environmental Issues

Lebanon confronts several pressing environmental problems:
- Deforestation and Land Degradation**: Historical and ongoing deforestation has led to soil erosion, altered hydrology, and contributed to adverse changes in the regional climate. Forests covered about 13.6% of Lebanon in 2016, and remain under threat from wildfires, particularly during the long dry summer season, as well as urban sprawl and unsustainable logging.
- Water Pollution**: Many of Lebanon's rivers and coastal waters are heavily polluted by untreated sewage, industrial waste, and agricultural runoff. This poses risks to public health and aquatic ecosystems.
- Air Pollution**: Urban areas, particularly Beirut, suffer from high levels of air pollution caused by traffic, industrial emissions, and the burning of waste. The increased reliance on private diesel generators due to chronic electricity shortages further exacerbates air quality problems.
- Waste Management Crisis**: Lebanon has faced a severe garbage crisis for years, with inadequate landfill capacity, widespread illegal dumping, and the open burning of waste. This not only creates health hazards for residents but also contaminates soil and water resources. The closure of major landfills has led to garbage piling up in streets and temporary sites, particularly in Beirut and Mount Lebanon.
- Impact of Conflict and Economic Crisis**: Periods of conflict have damaged the environment through uncontrolled construction, displacement of populations, and the breakdown of environmental regulations. The ongoing economic crisis since 2019 has further hampered environmental protection efforts, as resources for waste management, pollution control, and conservation have dwindled. The scarcity of power has led to increased contamination of water sources as sewage infiltrates drinking water, leading to health crises like Hepatitis A outbreaks.
4.3.3. Conservation Efforts
Despite the challenges, efforts are underway to protect Lebanon's natural heritage. The Lebanese government has established several nature reserves, including:
- Shouf Biosphere Reserve: The largest nature reserve in Lebanon, home to extensive cedar forests.
- Horsh Ehden Nature Reserve.
- Palm Islands Nature Reserve: A marine protected area.
- Jaj Cedar Reserve, Tannourine Reserve, Ammouaa and Karm Shbat Reserves, and the Forest of the Cedars of God near Bsharri.
These reserves aim to conserve cedars and other biodiversity. Reforestation initiatives, such as the Lebanon Reforestation Initiative (LRI) launched in 2011 with international support, have focused on planting cedars and other native tree species across the country, emphasizing natural regeneration by creating suitable conditions for germination and growth. Since 2011, over 600,000 trees have been planted through the LRI. Lebanon had a 2019 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 3.76/10, ranking it 141st globally out of 172 countries.
In 2010, the Environment Ministry set a 10-year plan to increase national forest coverage by 20%. In September 2018, Lebanon's parliament passed a law banning open dumping and burning of waste, though enforcement remains a challenge. Environmental activism and public awareness regarding these issues are growing, highlighting the need for sustainable practices and stronger governance to protect Lebanon's environment for future generations.
5. Government and Politics

Lebanon operates as a parliamentary democracy characterized by a unique system known as confessionalism. This system, enshrined in the National Pact of 1943 and further institutionalized by the Taif Agreement of 1989 which ended the civil war, distributes political power among the country's recognized religious communities. While intended to ensure representation and prevent sectarian dominance, it has also been a source of political rigidity, division, and at times, paralysis, impacting democratic development and human rights. Lebanon was rated "Partly Free" by Freedom House in 2013, and despite its challenges, is still considered among the more democratic nations in the Arab world. The V-Dem Democracy indices in 2023 ranked Lebanon as the second most electoral democratic country in the Middle East.
5.1. Political System
The Lebanese political system is based on a delicate balance of power shared among its major religious sects. The Constitution of Lebanon outlines the framework for governance, which includes a separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches.
5.1.1. Confessionalism and the National Pact
The cornerstone of Lebanese politics is confessionalism, an unwritten agreement from 1943 (the National Pact) later formalized in the Taif Agreement. It mandates the distribution of key political offices:
- The President must be a Maronite Christian.
- The Prime Minister must be a Sunni Muslim.
- The Speaker of the Parliament must be a Shia Muslim.
- The Deputy Prime Minister and the Deputy Speaker of Parliament must be Greek Orthodox Christian.
Parliamentary seats are also divided equally between Christians and Muslims, and further distributed proportionally among the 18 officially recognized religious sects. This system aims to provide representation for all major groups but has often entrenched sectarian identities in politics, sometimes at the expense of national unity and merit-based governance. It is intended to deter sectarian conflict, but it has also been criticized for fostering clientelism, hindering national cohesion, and contributing to political gridlock when consensus among sectarian leaders cannot be reached.
5.1.2. Executive Branch
The executive branch consists of the President, the Prime Minister, and the Council of Ministers (Cabinet).
- President**: The President is the head of state, elected by the Parliament for a single, non-renewable six-year term (though this has been amended in the past). The President's powers include appointing the Prime Minister (in consultation with Parliament), promulgating laws passed by Parliament, and representing Lebanon in international forums. The Taif Agreement reduced some of the pre-war powers of the President.
- Prime Minister**: The Prime Minister is the head of government. Appointed by the President following consultations with parliamentary blocs, the Prime Minister, along with the President, forms the Council of Ministers. The Prime Minister presides over cabinet meetings and is responsible for the government's day-to-day operations.
- Council of Ministers (Cabinet)**: The Cabinet must also adhere to the sectarian distribution formula. It exercises executive authority and is collectively responsible to Parliament.
5.1.3. Legislative Branch
The legislative branch is the unicameral Parliament of Lebanon (Majlis al-Nuwab). Its 128 members are elected by popular vote for a four-year term through a system of sectarian proportional representation within multi-member constituencies. The Parliament's primary functions include legislating, electing the President, approving the government (granting or withholding confidence), and overseeing the executive branch. Prior to 1990, the Christian-Muslim ratio in parliament was 6:5 in favor of Christians; the Taif Agreement changed this to an equal 1:1 ratio. Parliament has, on occasion, extended its own term, a move criticized as undemocratic.
5.1.4. Judicial Branch and Legal System

The Lebanese legal system is based primarily on French civil law, with influences from Ottoman law and canonical law. The judiciary is structured into several levels:
- Courts of First Instance**: Handle civil and criminal cases.
- Courts of Appeal**: Review decisions from lower courts.
- Court of Cassation**: The highest court of appeal for civil and criminal matters.
- Constitutional Council**: Rules on the constitutionality of laws and electoral disputes.
- Religious Courts**: A separate system of religious courts exists for each of the 18 officially recognized sects, dealing with personal status matters such as marriage, divorce, child custody, and inheritance. For Muslims, these tribunals apply Sharia-based laws; for Christians and Jews, their respective religious laws apply to these matters, though inheritance for non-Muslims largely falls under national civil jurisdiction.
Challenges to judicial independence persist, often due to political interference and the influence of sectarian leaders. Capital punishment remains on the statute books but is de facto rarely enforced.
5.2. Administrative Divisions
Lebanon is divided into nine governorates (muḥāfaẓāt; singular: muḥāfaẓah). These governorates are further subdivided into twenty-five districts (aqḍiyah; singular: qaḍāʾ). The districts are, in turn, composed of municipalities, each encompassing a city or a group of villages.
The nine governorates are:
- Beirut Governorate (comprises only the city of Beirut and is not divided into districts)
- Akkar Governorate (District: Akkar)
- Baalbek-Hermel Governorate (Districts: Baalbek, Hermel)
- Beqaa Governorate (Districts: Rashaya, Western Beqaa, Zahle)
- Keserwan-Jbeil Governorate (Districts: Byblos (Jbeil), Keserwan)
- Mount Lebanon Governorate (Districts: Aley, Baabda, Chouf, Matn)
- Nabatieh Governorate (Districts: Bint Jbeil, Hasbaya, Marjeyoun, Nabatieh)
- North Governorate (Districts: Batroun, Bsharri, Koura, Miniyeh-Danniyeh, Tripoli, Zgharta)
- South Governorate (Districts: Jezzine, Sidon (Saida), Tyre (Sur))
Local governance is managed by municipal councils, but their autonomy and resources are often limited, with significant power remaining centralized.
5.3. Political Parties and Landscape

Lebanon's political landscape is highly fragmented and largely defined by sectarian affiliations. Political parties often serve as vehicles for sectarian interests rather than purely ideological platforms. The system has historically been dominated by powerful political families and sectarian leaders (zuʿamāʾ).
5.3.1. Major Political Blocs and Ideologies
Since the mid-2000s, Lebanese politics has been largely polarized between two main coalitions:
- March 8 Alliance**: A pro-Syrian and pro-Iranian bloc, led by Hezbollah and the Amal Movement, and including parties like the Free Patriotic Movement (founded by Michel Aoun). This alliance generally advocates for "resistance" against Israel and maintains close ties with Syria and Iran.
- March 14 Alliance**: An anti-Syrian and generally pro-Western bloc, formed after the Cedar Revolution. Key parties have included the Future Movement (founded by Rafic Hariri and later led by Saad Hariri), the Lebanese Forces (led by Samir Geagea), and the Kataeb Party (Phalangists). This alliance has historically advocated for Lebanese sovereignty, the disarmament of militias, and closer ties with Western and moderate Arab countries.
However, these alliances have seen shifts and internal divisions. The 2022 elections resulted in Hezbollah and its allies losing their parliamentary majority, and the rise of independent and reformist candidates, though established sectarian parties still dominate. Ideologies range from secular leftist groups to religious conservative parties and nationalist movements.
5.3.2. Role of Sectarianism in Politics
Sectarianism is the defining characteristic of Lebanese politics. The confessional system, while aiming for power-sharing, has several consequences:
- Entrenchment of Sectarian Identities**: Political competition often reinforces sectarian loyalties over national identity.
- Clientelism and Patronage**: Political leaders often distribute state resources and jobs along sectarian lines to maintain support.
- Political Instability and Gridlock**: Disagreements among sectarian leaders can lead to prolonged government formation crises, presidential vacancies (as seen between 2014-2016 and 2022-2025), and legislative paralysis.
- Challenges to Democratic Development**: The emphasis on sectarian quotas can undermine meritocracy, accountability, and the development of a truly national, issue-based political discourse. It can also make the system resistant to reforms that might threaten the power of established sectarian elites.
- Vulnerability to External Influence**: Sectarian divisions can be exploited by external powers seeking to advance their regional agendas by supporting specific communities or factions.
The 2019 protests saw a significant popular challenge to the sectarian political system, with demands for an end to corruption, better governance, and a non-sectarian state. However, transforming this deeply entrenched system remains a formidable challenge.
6. Foreign Relations

Lebanon's foreign policy is shaped by its complex geopolitical location, its history of foreign intervention, its diverse internal political landscape, and its economic dependencies. It navigates relationships with neighboring Arab states, major global powers, and international organizations, often balancing competing interests. The country's approach to foreign relations is significantly influenced by its internal sectarian dynamics and the perspectives of various communities affected by regional conflicts and international diplomacy. Lebanon is a founding member of the United Nations and the Arab League. It is also a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, the Organisation internationale de la FrancophonieFrench, and the Group of 77. Lebanon concluded negotiations on an association agreement with the European Union in late 2001, and it is included in the EU's European Neighbourhood Policy.
6.1. Relations with Neighboring Countries
- Syria**: Lebanon's relationship with Syria is historically deep and complex, marked by periods of close alliance and intense political and military domination. Syria maintained a significant military presence in Lebanon from 1976 until 2005, exerting substantial influence over Lebanese politics. While diplomatic relations were formally established in 2008, ties remain sensitive. Issues include border demarcation (especially the Shebaa Farms area), security cooperation, the influence of pro- and anti-Syrian factions within Lebanon, and the massive influx of Syrian refugees since the start of the Syrian Civil War in 2011. The Syrian civil war has had a profound spillover effect on Lebanon, impacting its security, economy, and social fabric, often straining resources and exacerbating human rights concerns for both refugees and host communities.
- Israel**: Lebanon has no diplomatic relations with Israel and technically remains in a state of war. The southern border has been a site of recurrent conflict, including Israeli invasions in 1978 and 1982, a prolonged Israeli occupation of Southern Lebanon until 2000, the 2006 Lebanon War between Israel and Hezbollah, and the renewed conflict since 2023. Key issues include border disputes (the Blue Line demarcation, Shebaa Farms), Israeli violations of Lebanese airspace and waters, the activities of Hezbollah, and the unresolved issue of Palestinian refugees. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has been deployed in Southern Lebanon since 1978 to monitor the cessation of hostilities. In October 2022, a US-mediated agreement was reached on the maritime border, allowing for potential offshore gas exploration, though this did not signify broader normalization. Human rights concerns are often raised regarding the impact of these conflicts on civilian populations on both sides.
6.2. Relations with Major Powers and International Organizations
- United States**: The United States has been a significant political and military partner, providing substantial aid to the Lebanese Armed Forces and supporting Lebanon's sovereignty and stability. However, U.S. policy is complicated by its designation of Hezbollah as a terrorist organization and its concerns about Iranian influence in Lebanon. The U.S. has often played a role in mediating regional disputes involving Lebanon.
- France**: As the former mandatory power, France maintains strong historical, cultural, and political ties with Lebanon. France has often played a leading diplomatic role in international efforts related to Lebanon, including crisis resolution, humanitarian aid, and support for political reforms. It is a key advocate for Lebanon within the European Union.
- European Union**: The European Union is a major trading partner and provider of financial and humanitarian assistance to Lebanon. The EU supports reforms aimed at strengthening governance, human rights, and economic development in Lebanon.
- Arab League**: Lebanon is an active member of the Arab League, generally aligning with Arab consensus on regional issues, particularly the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, its internal divisions sometimes complicate its role within the League. Lebanon hosted an Arab League Summit in March 2002.
- United Nations**: Lebanon is a founding member of the United Nations and hosts several UN agencies. The UN plays a crucial role in Lebanon, particularly through UNIFIL in the south, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon investigating the assassination of Rafic Hariri, and various humanitarian and development programs addressing the needs of Lebanese citizens and refugee populations. UNSC resolutions have frequently addressed Lebanon's sovereignty, security, and political situation.
Lebanon's foreign relations are often a reflection of its internal balancing act, seeking to maintain its independence and stability while navigating a turbulent regional environment and the influence of global powers. The welfare of its citizens and the human rights of those within its borders are frequently impacted by these complex diplomatic engagements.
7. Military and Security

Lebanon's security landscape is complex, characterized by the official state Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF), various internal security agencies, the significant and often dominant military presence of the non-state actor Hezbollah, and the long-standing deployment of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in the south. The country's security environment is heavily influenced by regional conflicts, internal sectarian divisions, and the presence of refugee populations.
7.1. Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF)
The Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) are the official military of Lebanon. As of recent estimates, the LAF has around 72,000 active personnel, including small air force and navy components. The LAF's primary missions include:
- Defending Lebanon and its citizens against external aggression.
- Maintaining internal stability and security, often in coordination with other security forces.
- Confronting threats against the country's vital interests.
- Engaging in social development activities and undertaking relief operations.
The LAF is considered a relatively professional force but operates under significant constraints, including limited resources and the complex political environment. It receives substantial foreign military aid, particularly from the United States, which aims to bolster its capabilities. The LAF often has to navigate delicate sectarian balances and political pressures, and its ability to assert full state authority throughout the country is challenged by armed groups like Hezbollah.
7.2. Internal Security Forces
The Internal Security Forces (ISF) are Lebanon's national police force, responsible for maintaining law and order, traffic control, and general policing duties. Other security agencies include the General Security Directorate (responsible for border control, immigration, and intelligence) and State Security. These forces work to combat crime, terrorism, and maintain public order, but like the LAF, they face challenges related to resources, political interference, and the complex security environment.
7.3. Role of Hezbollah and Other Militias
Hezbollah is a Shia Islamist political party and militant group that possesses a military wing significantly more powerful than the LAF. It maintains a large arsenal of rockets, missiles, and trained fighters, estimated to be around 20,000 active fighters and 20,000 reservists, primarily supplied and funded by Iran. Hezbollah effectively controls large areas of Lebanon, particularly in the south, the Beqaa Valley, and parts of Beirut.
Hezbollah's stated primary objective is "resistance" against Israel. It has engaged in numerous conflicts with Israel and plays a significant role in regional politics, including its intervention in the Syrian Civil War on the side of the Assad regime. Domestically, Hezbollah is a major political force with seats in Parliament and influence in government. Its armed status and autonomy challenge the Lebanese state's monopoly on the use of force and are a major point of contention both within Lebanon and internationally.
While most other militias from the civil war era were officially disarmed under the Taif Agreement, some small armed groups and Palestinian factions in refugee camps (where the LAF typically does not enter by agreement) still exist. The presence of these armed non-state actors complicates the security situation and undermines state authority.
7.4. UNIFIL Presence
The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) has been deployed in Southern Lebanon since 1978, following Israel's first major invasion. Its mandate, most recently updated by UNSC Resolution 1701 which ended the 2006 Lebanon War, includes:
- Monitoring the cessation of hostilities between Lebanon and Israel along the Blue Line.
- Supporting the LAF in asserting state authority in the south.
- Helping to ensure humanitarian access to civilian populations.
UNIFIL works in close coordination with the LAF. Its presence is crucial for maintaining a fragile stability in the volatile border region, but it operates in a challenging environment where tensions can escalate rapidly, as seen in the conflict since 2023.
8. Economy

Lebanon's economy has historically been characterized by a laissez-faire model, with a strong services sector, particularly in banking and tourism. However, it has been plagued by structural weaknesses, political instability, corruption, and, since 2019, a devastating economic and financial crisis that has had profound social impacts, severely affecting labor rights, equity, and living standards. The Constitution of Lebanon states that 'the economic system is free and ensures private initiative and the right to private property'. Most of the economy is dollarized, and the country traditionally had no restrictions on the movement of capital across its borders, though informal capital controls have been in place since the 2019 crisis.
8.1. Historical Overview and Laissez-faire Model
For much of the mid-20th century, especially before the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990), Lebanon was a thriving regional commercial and financial hub. Beirut was often called the "Paris of the Middle East" or the "Switzerland of the Middle East" due to its vibrant cultural life, tourism, and robust banking sector that attracted capital from across the Arab world. The economy relied on free-market principles, minimal government intervention in foreign trade, and a strong services sector. This period saw significant economic growth and prosperity for parts of the population.
However, the civil war devastated the economy and infrastructure. Post-war reconstruction efforts, notably led by Rafic Hariri in the 1990s and 2000s, aimed to revive Beirut's status. While there was significant rebuilding and growth, these efforts were often financed by substantial borrowing, leading to a massive accumulation of public debt. The laissez-faire model also contributed to significant wealth inequality and did not adequately address underlying social and regional disparities. The Investment Development Authority of Lebanon (IDAL) was established to promote investment, and Investment Law No.360 was enacted in 2001 to reinforce this mission.
8.2. Sectors
Lebanon's economy is primarily service-oriented, though agriculture and industry also play roles.
8.2.1. Banking and Finance
Historically, the banking sector was the cornerstone of the Lebanese economy, renowned for its secrecy laws and attracting regional capital. It played a crucial role in financing trade and investment. However, the sector's reliance on high interest rates, inflows of foreign deposits (often to finance government debt in what has been described as a Ponzi scheme), and its exposure to sovereign debt proved unsustainable, leading to its collapse as part of the 2019 crisis. This resulted in banks imposing severe restrictions on withdrawals, eroding public trust and wiping out the savings of many Lebanese.
8.2.2. Tourism

Tourism has traditionally been a vital source of revenue and employment. Lebanon offers diverse attractions, including historical sites (Baalbek, Byblos, Tyre), beaches, mountain resorts, and a vibrant nightlife in Beirut. The sector is highly sensitive to political stability and security conditions. It experienced booms in the post-civil war era but suffered major setbacks due to conflicts (e.g., the 2006 Lebanon War) and the recent economic crisis and COVID-19 pandemic. In 2009, The New York Times ranked Beirut the No. 1 travel destination worldwide. Tourist arrivals reached a peak of two million in 2010 but subsequently declined due to regional instability.
8.2.3. Agriculture
The agricultural sector employs a significant portion of the workforce (around 12-25%) but contributes a smaller percentage to GDP (around 3-6%). Lebanon has a high proportion of cultivable land compared to other Arab countries. Major crops include fruits (apples, peaches, oranges, lemons), vegetables, tobacco, and olives. The Beqaa Valley is the main agricultural heartland. Challenges facing the sector include small farm sizes, reliance on imported inputs (seeds, fertilizers, now very expensive due to currency devaluation), water scarcity, inefficient practices, and limited access to credit and markets. Food security has become a major concern, especially with the economic crisis, as Lebanon imports a large portion of its food (around 80%). There is also a notable cannabis cultivation industry in some areas, particularly the Beqaa Valley.
8.2.4. Manufacturing and Industry
Industry in Lebanon is mainly limited to small and medium-sized enterprises, often involved in food processing, textiles, jewelry, furniture, cement, and pharmaceuticals. It contributes around 20-21% to GDP and employs a significant part of the workforce. The sector faces challenges from high energy costs, competition from imports, and lack of investment.
8.2.5. Services Sector
Beyond banking and tourism, the broader services sector is the largest component of the Lebanese economy (around 65-67% of GDP). This includes trade, real estate, healthcare, education, and telecommunications. The urban population is noted for its commercial enterprise, and remittances from the large Lebanese diaspora have historically been a crucial source of foreign currency, accounting for up to one-fifth of the economy.
8.3. Economic Crisis (since 2019)
The economic crisis that began in late 2019 is the most severe in Lebanon's modern history, with devastating consequences for the population.
8.3.1. Causes and Contributing Factors
The crisis resulted from a confluence of factors accumulated over decades:
- Unsustainable Public Debt**: Decades of government borrowing to finance reconstruction, subsidize essential goods (like fuel and wheat), and cover budget deficits led to one of the highest public debt-to-GDP ratios in the world (exceeding 170%).
- Current Account Deficits**: Lebanon consistently imported more than it exported, leading to persistent current account deficits financed by capital inflows, often volatile remittances, and foreign aid.
- Financial Engineering by the Central Bank (Banque du Liban)**: The central bank engaged in complex financial operations to maintain the currency peg to the US dollar and attract dollar deposits by offering high interest rates. This system, often likened to a Ponzi scheme, relied on continuous new inflows and became unsustainable when these inflows dwindled.
- Corruption and Mismanagement**: Endemic corruption, cronyism, and poor governance across state institutions diverted public funds, hindered effective policymaking, and eroded public trust.
- Political Instability**: Recurrent political crises and regional conflicts deterred investment and disrupted economic activity.
- External Shocks**: The Syrian Civil War put immense strain on Lebanon's resources due to refugee influx and disrupted trade.
8.3.2. Currency Devaluation, Hyperinflation, and Banking Collapse
- Currency Collapse**: The Lebanese pound (LBP), officially pegged at 1,507.5 LBP to the US dollar since 1997, rapidly depreciated on the parallel market, losing over 98% of its value by early 2023. This triggered hyperinflation, with annual inflation rates exceeding 200%.
- Banking Sector Meltdown**: Banks imposed informal capital controls, severely limiting withdrawals of US dollars and LBP, effectively trapping depositors' savings. This destroyed public confidence in the banking system. In March 2020, Lebanon defaulted on its foreign currency debt for the first time.
8.3.3. Impact on Living Standards, Poverty, and Labor
The social consequences have been catastrophic:
- Soaring Poverty**: The World Bank and United Nations reported that a vast majority of the Lebanese population (over 80%) fell into poverty. Extreme poverty also rose sharply.
- Massive Unemployment**: Businesses closed, and unemployment rates, particularly among youth, skyrocketed.
- Erosion of Wages and Savings**: Hyperinflation rendered salaries and savings in LBP virtually worthless.
- Scarcity of Essentials**: Shortages of fuel, medicine, electricity, and even basic foodstuffs became common. Subsidies were gradually lifted, further increasing prices.
- Impact on Labor Rights**: Workers faced arbitrary dismissals, wage cuts (in real terms), and deteriorating working conditions, with limited recourse due to the weakening of labor protections and unions.
- Social Unrest**: Widespread protests and social unrest erupted, fueled by economic hardship and anger at the political class.
- Increased Migration**: A significant brain drain occurred as skilled professionals and youth sought opportunities abroad.
8.3.4. International Aid and Reform Efforts
Lebanon has sought assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other international donors. However, aid has been conditioned on the implementation of comprehensive economic and governance reforms, including:
- Restructuring the banking sector and public debt.
- Implementing fiscal reforms (e.g., improving tax collection, cutting wasteful spending).
- Unifying the exchange rate.
- Combatting corruption and improving transparency and accountability in public institutions.
- Auditing the central bank.
Progress on these reforms has been slow and often hampered by political infighting and resistance from entrenched interests. The international community has provided humanitarian aid but has been reluctant to offer large-scale financial bailouts without credible reform commitments.
8.4. Transport and Infrastructure

Lebanon's transportation and general infrastructure have suffered from decades of underinvestment, conflict, and more recently, the severe economic crisis.
- Roads**: The road network, totaling over 5.0 K mile (8.00 K km), is largely paved but often in poor condition, with significant traffic congestion in urban areas, particularly Beirut. Major highways form part of the Arab Mashreq International Road Network.
- Ports**: The Port of Beirut is the country's main maritime gateway and historically a key hub for regional trade. Its capacity was severely impacted by the 2020 Beirut explosion. Other ports include Tripoli and Sidon.
- Airports**: Beirut-Rafic Hariri International Airport is the country's only international airport and a vital link for passenger travel and air freight.
- Railways**: Lebanon's railway network has been defunct since the civil war and subsequent economic challenges. There have been discussions about reviving parts of it, but no significant progress has been made.
- Electricity**: The state-owned electricity company, Électricité du Liban (EDL), has been unable to provide consistent power for decades, leading to chronic shortages and reliance on expensive private generators for most homes and businesses. The sector is plagued by inefficiency, debt, and corruption. The economic crisis has exacerbated fuel shortages for power generation.
- Telecommunications**: The telecommunications sector, including mobile and internet services, has seen development but still faces challenges in terms of quality, coverage, and affordability.
Reconstruction and modernization of infrastructure are critical for Lebanon's economic recovery but are hindered by the ongoing financial crisis and lack of state resources.
8.5. Energy
Lebanon's energy sector is in a chronic state of crisis, primarily concerning electricity generation and supply. The country relies heavily on imported fossil fuels for power generation, making it vulnerable to global price fluctuations and foreign currency shortages. State-provider Électricité du Liban (EDL) operates at a massive deficit and cannot meet demand, resulting in daily power cuts lasting many hours, forcing widespread reliance on expensive and polluting private diesel generators. This situation has severe economic and social consequences, impacting businesses, households, and public services like hospitals.
There has been exploration for offshore oil and gas reserves in Lebanon's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the Eastern Mediterranean. Preliminary findings have suggested the potential for significant hydrocarbon resources, particularly natural gas. A maritime border agreement with Israel, mediated by the U.S. and finalized in October 2022, aimed to facilitate exploration in disputed areas. However, the actual exploitation of these resources, if proven commercially viable, is a long-term prospect and faces numerous technical, financial, and geopolitical challenges. Development of renewable energy sources, such as solar, is gradually increasing but remains a small fraction of the overall energy mix.
8.6. Science and Technology
Lebanon has a history of contribution to science and technology, with several notable scientists and engineers of Lebanese origin. The country possesses a number of universities with strong science and engineering programs, such as the American University of Beirut and Saint Joseph University of Beirut. However, the sector faces significant challenges, including brain drain due to economic instability and limited opportunities, insufficient government funding for research and development (R&D), and a lack of a cohesive national strategy for innovation.
Despite these hurdles, there are initiatives in areas like software development, digital startups, and some specialized manufacturing. The Global Innovation Index ranked Lebanon 94th in 2024, a decline from previous years, reflecting the impact of the ongoing crises. A notable historical achievement was "the Lebanese Rocket Society", a university science club project in the 1960s that successfully launched rockets before being discontinued due to regional pressures and conflict. Fostering a stronger ecosystem for science, technology, and innovation is seen as crucial for Lebanon's long-term economic diversification and development, but requires substantial investment and a more stable environment.
9. Society
Lebanese society is characterized by its remarkable diversity, encompassing a mosaic of ethnic groups, languages, and religious communities. This diversity is a source of cultural richness but has also been a factor in political complexities and social tensions. The country's social structures, including its education and health systems, have faced immense strain due to prolonged conflicts, economic crises, and large refugee populations. Human rights, social justice, and the well-being of all societal groups, particularly minorities and vulnerable populations, are critical ongoing concerns.
9.1. Demographics
No official census has been conducted in Lebanon since 1932 due to the political sensitivity surrounding the demographic balance among its religious sects, which underpins the confessional power-sharing system. As of 2023, the estimated population was 5,296,814. Lebanese nationals were estimated at 4,680,212 in July 2023. Population density is high, particularly in coastal urban areas like Beirut. Urbanization is a significant trend.
9.1.1. Population and Ethnic Groups
The vast majority of Lebanon's population (around 95%) is ethnically Arab. However, this identity is complex, as Lebanese people are descended from various indigenous peoples and groups that have settled in or conquered the region over millennia, including Canaanites (Phoenicians), Aramaeans, Greeks, Romans, and Arabs. Some Lebanese, particularly among Christian communities, emphasize a Phoenician rather than Arab heritage.
The largest ethnic minority is the Armenian community (around 4% of the population), who mostly arrived as refugees fleeing the Armenian genocide in the early 20th century. They have maintained their distinct language, culture, and religious institutions. Other smaller ethnic groups include Kurds, Assyrians, and others.
9.1.2. Lebanese Diaspora

Lebanon has one of