Felipe Calderón

2.1. Early Life and Family Background

Felipe de Jesús Calderón Hinojosa was born in Morelia, Michoacán, Mexico, on August 18, 1962. He is the youngest of five brothers, born to Carmen Hinojosa Calderón and Luis Calderón Vega. His father, Luis Calderón Vega, was a prominent political figure and a co-founder of the National Action Party (PAN) in 1939. The elder Calderón held various state posts and served a term as a federal deputy, dedicating most of his life to working within and promoting the PAN. This strong political background significantly influenced young Felipe, who actively participated in his father's campaigns from a young age, distributing party pamphlets, riding campaign vehicles, and chanting slogans at rallies.

After growing up in Morelia, Calderón relocated to Mexico City. In the PAN, he met his future wife, Margarita Zavala, who also served as a federal deputy in Congress. They married and have three children: María, Luis Felipe, and Juan Pablo. Calderón is a devout Roman Catholic. Before becoming president, he resided in Colonia Las Águilas, a high-end neighborhood in Mexico City.

2.2. Education

Calderón pursued a rigorous academic path, earning multiple degrees that equipped him for public service. He received his bachelor's degree in law from the Escuela Libre de Derecho in Mexico City. Subsequently, he obtained a master's degree in economics from the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM). In 2000, he furthered his education by earning a Master of Public Administration degree from the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University in the United States.

3.1. Early Political Activities

Calderón joined the National Action Party (PAN) in 1981, following his father's footsteps with aspirations of one day becoming President of Mexico. In his early twenties, he became the president of the PAN's youth movement. His initial political engagements included serving as a local representative in the Legislative Assembly and, on two separate occasions, as a federal deputy in the Chamber of Deputies. In 1995, he ran for the governorship of Michoacán.

3.2. Role within the National Action Party (PAN)

Calderón's leadership within the PAN was significant, as he served as the party's national president from 1996 to 1999. During his tenure, the party managed to maintain control of 14 state capitals. However, the PAN also experienced a reduced presence in the federal Chamber of Deputies during this period.

3.3. Cabinet Positions

Following Vicente Fox's inauguration as president, Calderón was appointed Director General of Banobras, a state-owned development bank. During his time at Banobras, he faced accusations from political opponents regarding the financing of a property valued between 300.00 K USD and 500.00 K USD, alleging abuse of legal procedures. While objections were raised, he reportedly used other methods to formalize the transaction.

He later joined the presidential cabinet as Secretary of Energy, replacing Ernesto Martens. He held this position from 2003 to May 2004. Calderón resigned from the post in protest after President Vicente Fox publicly criticized his presidential ambitions while simultaneously supporting those of Santiago Creel, another potential presidential candidate.

4.1. Presidential Campaign

Felipe Calderón secured the PAN's presidential nomination through a series of three primary elections held in late 2005, where he notably defeated Santiago Creel, the favored former Secretary of the Interior under President Vicente Fox, and former Governor of Jalisco, Alberto Cárdenas. His victory in the primaries surprised many political analysts, with the PAN highlighting it as a demonstration of internal party democracy, in contrast to other major parties where strong candidates were often eliminated or only one candidate emerged.

Calderón officially began his campaign on January 1, 2006. Initially, from December 2005 to March 2006, most polls placed him in third place, behind Andrés Manuel López Obrador of the Alliance for the Good of All and Roberto Madrazo of the Alliance for Mexico. However, Calderón's campaign gained significant momentum after the first presidential debate. Subsequent poll numbers showed a steady increase in his popularity, putting him ahead of López Obrador from March to May, with some surveys indicating a lead of up to 9 percentage points. This positive trend for Calderón was contained after the second presidential debate, which López Obrador decided to join. Days before the election, final poll numbers suggested an extremely tight race, with some polls favoring López Obrador, others Calderón, and still others indicating a technical tie.

4.2. Election Results and Controversy

On July 2, 2006, election day, the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE) declared the presidential race too close to call and opted not to release its exit poll results. The IFE urged all candidates to refrain from declaring victory, but both Calderón and López Obrador disregarded this appeal. López Obrador was the first to claim victory, followed shortly by Calderón, who cited initial IFE figures as evidence of his win.

On July 3, the preliminary results from the unofficial PREP database showed Calderón with a narrow lead of 1.04%. By July 6, the IFE released the official vote count, confirming Calderón's victory by an even smaller margin of 0.58% over López Obrador. López Obrador and his coalition immediately alleged widespread irregularities across numerous polling stations and demanded a national recount. The Federal Electoral Tribunal (TEPJF), in a unanimous vote, ultimately deemed a full national recount groundless and unfeasible. However, it did order a recount of approximately 9.07% of the 130,477 polling stations where supportable allegations of irregularities existed.

On September 5, 2006, despite acknowledging the existence of irregularities in the election, the Federal Electoral Tribunal unanimously declared Felipe Calderón president-elect. This decision came after a change in votes by two magistrates, confirming Calderón's lead of 233,831 votes, or 0.56%, over López Obrador. The electoral court concluded that while minor irregularities were present, they were insufficient to invalidate the overall election outcome. This ruling was mandatory, final, and could not be appealed. Calderón's victory, secured with the smallest percentage of votes for a winning presidential candidate in Mexican history (35.8%), meant his administration would face significant legitimacy challenges from its inception.

5.1. Inauguration and Cabinet

The Mexican Constitution mandates that the President must take the oath of office before Congress in the Chamber of Deputies. Leading up to the inauguration, the opposition PRD threatened to prevent Calderón from taking the oath, prompting the PAN to take control of the Congress's main floor three days prior to the scheduled ceremony.

On November 30, 2006, in an unprecedented event, outgoing President Vicente Fox and President-elect Felipe Calderón appeared side-by-side on national television. Fox symbolically handed the presidential sash to a cadet, who then passed it to Calderón, signifying the transfer of power. Fox delivered a brief speech, stating he had concluded his mandate. Calderón then addressed the Mexican public, calling for unity and confirming his intention to attend the official inauguration ceremony at the Chamber of Deputies.

The inauguration ceremony on December 1 at the Congress of the Union was tense and lasted less than five minutes. Amidst shouts of protest against alleged electoral fraud and attempts by PRD legislators to impede the ceremony, Calderón barely managed to recite the oath of office. Legislators from opposing parties engaged in violent brawls. For security reasons, Calderón quickly left the building after the oath. Despite the contentious circumstances and the smallest winning percentage in Mexican history (35.8%), Calderón officially assumed the presidency. Just one month into his term, he declared war on drug cartels and organized crime, initiating the Mexican Drug War, a move widely seen as an immediate strategy to gain popular legitimacy after the disputed elections.

Calderón's cabinet included a range of experienced politicians and technocrats. Key appointments included Francisco Ramírez Acuña and later Juan Camilo Mouriño as Secretary of Interior, Patricia Espinosa as Chancellor, and Agustín Carstens as Secretary of Finance. Genaro García Luna served as Secretary of Public Security throughout Calderón's entire term, a position that would later become central to major controversies.

5.2. Domestic Policy

Calderón's domestic policy focused on economic stability, social welfare, and infrastructure development, often responding to immediate national needs and global economic shifts.

5.2.2. Health Policy

One of the most popular policies of the Calderón administration was its move towards universal healthcare coverage, primarily through the expansion of Seguro Popular, a program initiated under the Fox administration. By 2012, universal healthcare was achieved, providing access to over 100 million Mexicans, a significant increase from the 40 million covered under the previous administration. During his term, more than 1,000 hospitals were constructed, and over 2,000 were renovated and expanded, significantly improving health infrastructure and access to care, with many medicines distributed free of charge.

The 2009 swine flu pandemic presented a major public health challenge. Calderón's administration declared a state of emergency, provided transparent information to the international community, and implemented strict containment measures, including closing public services and schools. President Calderón personally appeared on television to explain the situation and demonstrate precautionary measures. The use of Tamiflu and vaccines during the 2009 and 2010 flu seasons, combined with strong public health measures, is credited with preventing deaths and reducing the spread and severity of the disease. While some criticized the administration for exaggerating its response, others praised its decisive actions.

In response to the swine flu outbreak and to advance medical research, Calderón's administration initiated the Mexican Genome Project. This project aimed to discover genetic markers to better target and assist the Mexican population in disease prevention and treatment, particularly for common ailments like diabetes. The project was also intended to foster pharmacogenomics, leading to safer and more effective personalized medicines.

5.3. Security Policy

Calderón's security policy was dominated by his controversial declaration of war on drug cartels, a decision that profoundly impacted Mexican society and drew significant criticism.

5.3.2. Military and Police Operations

Despite imposing a cap on the salaries of high-ranking public servants, Calderón ordered a raise for the salaries of the Federal Police and the Mexican Armed Forces on his first day in office, signaling his commitment to bolstering security forces. His government initiated massive raids on drug cartels in December 2006, particularly in his home state of Michoacán, in response to escalating violence.

On January 19, 2007, just five weeks into the army crackdown, Mexican soldiers and federal police captured Pedro Diaz Parada, a leader of the Diaz Parada gang, one of Mexico's seven major drug cartels. The following day, in a controversial move, the government extradited several drug gang leaders to the United States. Mexican soldiers and federal police were deployed to several cities, most notably Tijuana and Ciudad Juárez, where the army ordered local police officers to surrender their weapons due to suspected ties with drug cartels. Operations were also conducted in states such as Michoacán, Tamaulipas, Tabasco, and Guerrero.

In an interview in January 2007, Calderón claimed positive results from these operations, citing a nearly 40% drop in the murder rate in Michoacán and increased public support. The Secretariat of Defense reported significant accomplishments in the first four months of his presidency, including the capture of 1,102 drug dealers, the seizure of approximately 500.00 M MXN, 556 kilograms of marijuana, 1,419 military-grade weapons, two airplanes, 630 automobiles, and 15 sea vessels used for drug transport. Additionally, 285 clandestine runways, 777 drug camps, 52,842 marijuana farms, and 33,019 opium poppy farms were destroyed.

On December 16, 2009, the Mexican Navy killed Arturo Beltrán-Leyva, a once-powerful drug trafficker. By the end of Calderón's term, 25 of Mexico's 37 most-wanted drug lords had been either captured or killed. However, despite these high-profile arrests, drug-related violence remained high in contested areas along the U.S. border, such as Ciudad Juárez, Tijuana, and Matamoros.

The human rights implications of the drug war were severe. Not all those killed by the police and armed forces were criminals. For instance, on March 19, 2010, Javier Francisco Arredondo Verdugo, 23, and Jorge Antonio Mercado Alonso, 24, students at the Monterrey Institute of Technology and Higher Education in Nuevo León, were killed by the Mexican Army. The army initially denied involvement and then falsely accused the young men of being heavily armed drug dealers.

5.4. Foreign Policy

Calderón's foreign policy aimed to expand Mexico's international presence and influence, building on previous administrations while addressing contemporary global challenges.

5.4.3. International Initiatives

Mexico played an increasingly active role in global forums under Calderón. He hosted and chaired the 2010 Cancún Accord, a significant climate change agreement that reached targets and reaffirmed commitments to compensate developing nations for climate change damage. This achievement was widely praised and credited to Calderón's diplomatic skills. Mexico's international standing was further bolstered when it earned the trust of the Group of 20 to preside over the group in 2012, including hosting a summit in Los Cabos.

In a move to expand new export opportunities and reduce Mexico's over-reliance on the US market, Calderón's administration also expanded its trade accords beyond North America, seeking to increase trade with the European Union, East Asia, and other Latin American countries. A notable development was the 2011 establishment of the Pacific Alliance, a cooperative accord between major Latin American nations on the Pacific coast. This alliance aimed to insulate participating nations from fluctuations stemming from the European debt crisis and to foster greater trade with Asian nations. Mexico actively maintained positive trading relationships and discussions globally, positioning itself as an open economy with growing trade opportunities.

5.5. Approval ratings

Calderón's approval ratings fluctuated throughout his presidency, often reflecting public sentiment on key issues like security and the economy.

According to a Grupo Reforma poll from February 2007, Calderón's approval rating was 58%, with Mexicans giving his actions an average score of 6.6 out of 10. He received his highest ratings for health and drug trafficking policies (60% and 59% approval, respectively), and lowest for domestic and foreign policy (33% each). An Ipsos-Bimsa poll in November 2007 showed his approval at 57%.

In June 2008, his approval rating peaked at 64%, before slightly declining to 62% by September. By March 2010, a GEA-ISA poll indicated a drop to 45% approval, down seven points from November 2009. However, a Buendia & Laredo survey on May 9, 2011, showed his approval rating at 54%.

Towards the end of his term, his popularity rebounded. A poll by El Universal on February 27, 2012, indicated a 58% approval rating with only 11% disapproval. Concern for security as the top government issue decreased from 48% to 33%. The poll also found that 42% of respondents believed things had improved in Mexico under his administration, 21% felt they stayed the same, and 34% thought they had worsened. Grupo Reforma's poll from March 22-26, 2012, showed a further increase to 66% approval among 1,515 respondents.

Despite these fluctuations, a study by Consulta Mitofsky published on August 23, 2012, noted that after 22 quarters, Calderón's approval had fallen to 46%. However, he ultimately concluded his presidency with high approval ratings, with 64% approving his administration and 25% disapproving.

8.1. Allegations of Alcoholism

During his presidency, numerous reports in the Mexican media alleged that Calderón was an alcoholic, citing public appearances and speeches where he appeared to be intoxicated, slurring his words, or making unusual statements. On February 2, 2011, opposition lawmakers in the Chamber of Deputies displayed a banner that read: "Would you let a drunk drive your car? No, right? So why let one run your country?".

The following day, journalist Carmen Aristegui reported on the incident on her radio show, commenting that while she had no specific information about the president's alleged alcohol problems, it was a "delicate topic" and suggested that Calderón had an obligation to respond. This led to her being fired from MVS, the news company hosting her show, for "violating the ethical code." Her dismissal sparked widespread public protests, and she was reinstated days later. A CNN report in August 2012 revealed that Calderón's spokeswoman, Alejandra Sota, had pressured MVS president Joaquin Vargas to demand a public apology from Aristegui, linking it to a matter involving MVS's broadcast frequencies. When Aristegui refused, she was fired, but the intense public backlash on social media prompted her reinstatement.

In 2012, journalist Julio Scherer García published a book titled "Calderón de cuerpo entero," based on interviews with former PAN president Manuel Espino Barrientos. The book detailed multiple instances of Calderón's alleged alcoholism before and during his presidency. Even after his term, in March 2017, media outlets reported that Calderón appeared intoxicated and had difficulty maintaining his balance at a rally supporting Josefina Vázquez Mota's gubernatorial candidacy. However, in October 2019, journalist Federico Arreola claimed he had invented the alcoholism rumors and helped spread them, asserting that he was now convinced Calderón was not an alcoholic. Arreola stated he created the rumor after being slandered by Calderón during the 2006 presidential campaign.

8.2. U.S. Espionage Scandal

In July 2013, Mexican newspaper Excélsior revealed that the Calderón administration, in February 2007, had authorized the United States Department of State to install an interception system. This system was designed to analyze, process, and store phone calls, emails, and other internet communications, ostensibly to assist the Calderón administration in combating organized crime and drug trafficking within the framework of the Mérida Initiative.

The scandal gained further traction in September 2013 when several news outlets reported, based on Edward Snowden's leaks, that the National Security Agency (NSA) had spied on Enrique Peña Nieto while he was a presidential candidate. On October 21, 2013, Der Spiegel further revealed that the NSA had spied on Calderón himself and other cabinet members' emails. Calderón publicly expressed his "most energetic protest" via Twitter, stating that the espionage was not merely a personal affront but a grievance against Mexican institutions.

Mexican journalist Raymundo Riva-Palacio criticized the privileges granted to American intelligence agencies by the Calderón administration. He argued that Washington had "mocked and betrayed" Calderón, as U.S. agencies reportedly coordinated field operations and even interrogated detainees before Mexican authorities could. Riva-Palacio suggested that these privileges led to illegal spying, enabling American intelligence agencies to map the Mexican political landscape, with a focus on Mexico's political stability and future. He also highlighted that Calderón's request for an investigation into the spying on his emails and cabinet members' communications was belated, as similar allegations had surfaced in 2009-2010. CNNMéxico reported on October 22, 2013, that Calderón had attempted to evade surveillance by avoiding sensitive information in emails and speaking in code during phone calls with cabinet members. The following day, Interior Secretary Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong announced a presidential mandate for an exhaustive investigation into the U.S. spying activities targeting Calderón.

8.3. Specific Cases and Criticisms

Calderón faced specific allegations and criticisms stemming from his prior roles and associations, including the Banobras, Fobaproa, and Hildebrando cases.

• Banobras:** While serving as Director General of Banobras, a state-owned development bank, Calderón was accused by political opponents of committing abuse by disputing certain legal procedures to finance a property valued between 3.00 M MXN and 5.00 M MXN (approximately 300.00 K USD and 500.00 K USD at the time). Although he reportedly used other means to formalize the transaction once political objections arose, critics alleged an illegal loan of 3.00 M MXN. Calderón and his party denied any wrongdoing, and the case was investigated.

• Fobaproa:** The Fobaproa was a government-sponsored effort to financially rescue private banks after the 1994-1995 Mexican financial crisis. This initiative was highly controversial. Supporters argued it saved the Mexican economy from a deeper crisis, while critics, particularly the PRD, claimed it was used for corruption. During the 2006 presidential campaign, the PRD accused Calderón of being "involved" in Fobaproa, implying he was behind its implementation. However, Fobaproa was primarily implemented by the executive branch under President Ernesto Zedillo (PRI), and Calderón's involvement was from the legislative branch, where he proposed an alternative project to the one put forth by the PRI. The controversy surrounding Fobaproa continued to be a heated topic.

• Hildebrando:** In a presidential debate on June 6, 2006, Andrés Manuel López Obrador accused Felipe Calderón of awarding large contracts to Hildebrando, a software company founded by Calderón's brother-in-law, Diego Zavala. López Obrador claimed Calderón held a minority share in the company and that it had engaged in tax evasion during Calderón's eight-month tenure as Secretary of Energy. Calderón vehemently denied that any contracts were awarded to his family members during his time in office. The then-Secretary of Energy, Fernando Canales Clarion, also denied the allegations. Government records from Compranet showed that "Meta Data, S.A. de C.V.," a company later acquired by Hildebrando, had conducted business with the federal government since 1997, prior to the PAN controlling the Federal Government and before Calderón's appointment as Secretary of Energy. While some of these contracts appeared to have been renewed during his ministerial term, Calderón was not officially involved in the renewal process. Hildebrando denied that its relationship with Calderón influenced government contracting decisions and disputed the alleged contract values and tax evasion claims. The federal government investigated the tax evasion allegations, and the Federal Ministry of Finance accused the Mexico City government of illegally providing tax information about Hildebrando to López Obrador's campaign. The "Hildebrando scandal" significantly impacted voter trust in Calderón, as reflected in various polls. Diego Zavala subsequently filed a lawsuit against López Obrador due to the economic impact of the accusations.

10.1. Positive Assessments and Achievements

Supporters and some analysts highlight several positive aspects of Calderón's presidency. His administration is credited with achieving universal healthcare coverage by 2012 through the expansion of Seguro Popular, significantly increasing access to medical services for millions of Mexicans. He oversaw the creation of 96 new universities, the highest number in Mexico's history, and ensured full primary school coverage for children aged 6 to 11. In infrastructure, his government accelerated public works projects, including the inauguration of the massive Baluarte Bridge, improving national connectivity.

Economically, despite the Great Recession, his administration maintained relatively stable prices and interest rates, avoiding currency crises. Efforts to diversify the economy and attract foreign investment led to Mexico becoming a top auto manufacturer and significant investments in the aeronautics, electronics, and consumer goods industries. The establishment of ProMéxico in 2007 aimed to promote international trade and investment.

Calderón also received international recognition for his diplomatic efforts, particularly for his role in the 2010 Cancún Accord on climate change, which was widely praised. Mexico's leadership in global forums was further cemented by its presidency of the G20 in 2012 and the founding of the Pacific Alliance in 2011, which sought to foster regional economic integration and trade with Asian nations. In the "War on Drugs," his government achieved the capture or killing of 25 of Mexico's 37 most-wanted drug lords. He ended his presidency with a relatively high approval rating of 64%.

10.2. Criticisms and Negative Assessments

Despite the positive assessments, Calderón's legacy is heavily scrutinized, particularly from a center-left perspective focusing on social impact and democratic development. His declaration of war on drug cartels, initiated just days after his disputed election, is widely criticized as a strategy to gain legitimacy rather than a well-planned security measure. This strategy led to a dramatic escalation of violence, with tens of thousands of deaths, including innocent civilians, and a significant increase in homicides, peaking in 2010. The deployment of military forces in civilian areas raised serious human rights concerns. The killing of students Javier Francisco Arredondo Verdugo and Jorge Antonio Mercado Alonso by the Mexican Army, and the subsequent false accusations against them, exemplify the human cost and lack of accountability during this period.

The conviction of his Secretary of Public Security, Genaro García Luna, for drug trafficking and bribery, along with allegations that Calderón was aware of García Luna's ties to cartels, casts a long shadow over his security policy and raises questions about corruption at the highest levels of his administration. The use of Pegasus spyware to monitor political opponents and journalists also highlights concerns about democratic freedoms and surveillance.

Economically, while his administration managed to avoid a currency crisis, the national debt significantly increased, and the poverty rate rose from 43% to 46% during his term, indicating a failure to improve the living conditions for a substantial portion of the population. The controversies surrounding his 2006 election, including allegations of irregularities and the contentious inauguration, continued to undermine the democratic legitimacy of his presidency. Furthermore, persistent allegations of alcoholism, though later claimed by one journalist to be fabricated, contributed to public distrust and media scrutiny. His presidency concluded with 25% of the population disapproving of his administration, reflecting the deep divisions and unresolved issues he left behind.