1. Overview
Eswatini, officially the Kingdom of Eswatini, is a landlocked country in Southern Africa, bordered by Mozambique to its northeast and South Africa to its north, west, south, and southeast. It is one of the smallest countries in Africa. The nation, predominantly inhabited by ethnic Swazis, has a diverse geography, ranging from a cool and mountainous highveld to a hot and dry lowveld. Its capital cities are Mbabane (administrative) and Lobamba (royal and legislative).
Formerly known as Swaziland, the country was renamed Eswatini in 2018 by King Mswati III. The name "Eswatini" (eSwatiniɛswáˈtʼiːniSwati; EswatiniˌɛswɑːˈtiːniEnglish) means "land of the Swazis" in the siSwati language. The country's history is marked by the establishment of the Swazi kingdom in the mid-18th century, a period as a British protectorate from the early 20th century until independence in 1968, and the long reign of King Sobhuza II. Since 1986, Eswatini has been an absolute monarchy under King Mswati III, the last of its kind in Africa. This system of governance has faced significant domestic and international criticism, particularly concerning human rights and the lack of democratic development. Pro-democracy protests, notably in 2021-2023, have highlighted widespread discontent with the political status quo and calls for reform.
Eswatini's economy is closely linked to South Africa's, with agriculture and manufacturing being key sectors. However, the country grapples with significant socio-economic challenges, including high rates of poverty, unemployment, and inequality, as well as one of the world's highest HIV/AIDS prevalence rates, which has had a profound impact on its society and development. Culturally, Eswatini is known for traditional festivals such as the Umhlanga (Reed Dance) and Incwala, which play a significant role in national identity, though these are sometimes viewed critically in the context of the monarchy's power and influence over national life.
2. Etymology
The official name of the country is the Kingdom of Eswatini. In siSwati, the name is {{lang|ss|Umbuso weSwatini|}} (meaning Kingdom of Eswatini). The common name is Eswatini (eSwatiniɛswáˈtʼiːniSwati; EswatiniˌɛswɑːˈtiːniEnglish). The citizens are known as Swazis, and the adjectival form is Swazi.
Historically, the country was known as Swaziland. This name originated from "Swazi", the name of the dominant ethnic group, combined with "land", an English suffix. Upon gaining independence from the United Kingdom on 6 September 1968, the country retained the name Kingdom of Swaziland. However, the mixed linguistic origin of "Swaziland" (siSwati and English) was a point of dissatisfaction for some citizens.
On 19 April 2018, during a speech at a 50th independence anniversary celebration in Manzini, King Mswati III announced the official change of the country's name to the Kingdom of Eswatini. He stated, "I declare that our country will now be known as the Kingdom of Eswatini." The name "Eswatini" means "place of the Swazis" or "land of the Swazis" in the siSwati language. One of the stated reasons for the change was to avoid confusion with Switzerland, as "Swaziland" and "Switzerland" were often mistaken for each other in international contexts. The United Nations officially recognized the name change on 30 May 2018. Other countries and international bodies subsequently updated their official designations. For instance, Japan's cabinet approved the change to "Eswatini" in February 2019.
In Chinese, Taiwan (Republic of China), which maintains diplomatic relations with Eswatini, uses the traditional script "史瓦帝尼" for Eswatini and previously used "史瓦濟蘭" for Swaziland. However, the People's Republic of China, which does not have diplomatic relations with Eswatini, continued to use the simplified script "斯威士兰" (meaning Swaziland) as of early 2021. Among the six official languages of the United Nations, Chinese was the only one that had not updated its terminology for the country as of July 2021.
3. History
The history of Eswatini spans from early human activity in the Stone Age, through the formation and expansion of the Swazi kingdom under leaders like Ngwane III and Mswati II, a period as a British protectorate characterized by land concessions and colonial administration, to its independence in 1968. Post-independence Eswatini saw the establishment of an absolute monarchy by King Sobhuza II, a system continued by his successor King Mswati III, leading to significant socio-political challenges, widespread calls for democratic reform, and notable pro-democracy protests in the 21st century.
3.1. Prehistory and Early Peoples
Artifacts indicating human activity in the region of present-day Eswatini date back to the early Stone Age, around 200,000 years ago. Prehistoric rock art paintings, dating from as far back as approximately 27,000 years ago to as recently as the 19th century, can be found in various locations across the country.
The earliest known inhabitants of the region were Khoisan hunter-gatherers. These groups were largely replaced by Nguni-speaking peoples during the extensive Bantu expansion. These Bantu-speaking groups originated from the Great Lakes region of eastern and central Africa. Archaeological evidence of agriculture and the use of iron in Eswatini dates from about the 4th century CE. Peoples speaking languages ancestral to the current Sotho and Nguni languages began settling in the area no later than the 11th century.
3.2. Formation and Expansion of the Swazi Kingdom
The Swazi settlers, then known as the Ngwane (or bakaNgwane), had initially settled on the banks of the Pongola River before entering the territory of modern Eswatini. Prior to that, they were located in the area of the Tembe River near present-day Maputo, Mozambique. Ongoing conflict with the Ndwandwe people pushed them further north. Ngwane III is considered the first King of modern Eswatini; he established his capital at Shiselweni at the foot of the Mhlosheni hills in the mid-18th century.
Under Sobhuza I, the Ngwane people (later Swazi) further consolidated their power and established their capital at Zombodze, in the heartland of present-day Eswatini. During this process, they conquered and incorporated various long-established clans of the country, whom the Swazi referred to as Emakhandzambili (those found ahead).

Eswatini, and the Swazi people, derive their name from a later king, Mswati II, who ruled in the mid-19th century. KaNgwane, named for Ngwane III, is an alternative name for Eswatini, and the surname of the royal dynasty remains Nkhosi Dlamini. Nkhosi (NkhosiNkósiSwati) means "king"; curiously, this term also signifies "king" in some Ethiopian Semitic languages (related to Negus). Mswati II was the greatest of the Swazi fighting kings and significantly extended the kingdom's territory, at times to nearly twice its current size. The Emakhandzambili clans were initially incorporated into the kingdom with considerable autonomy, often including grants of special ritual and political status. However, the extent of their autonomy was drastically curtailed by Mswati II, who attacked and subdued some of them in the 1850s. Through his military power, Mswati II greatly reduced the influence of the Emakhandzambili while incorporating more people into his kingdom, either through conquest or by offering them refuge. These later arrivals became known to the Swazis as Emafikamuva.
The autonomy of the Swazi nation was increasingly influenced by British and Dutch colonial expansion in southern Africa during the 19th and early 20th centuries. In 1881, the British government signed a convention recognizing Swazi independence, despite the ongoing Scramble for Africa. This independence was also recognized in the London Convention of 1884.
King Mbandzeni, who reigned from 1875 to 1889, granted numerous land, farming, and mineral concessions to European prospectors and settlers. These concessions, often poorly understood by the Swazi leadership and sometimes contradictory, led to significant loss of land and resources for the Swazi people and created a complex and contested pattern of land ownership that had lasting negative impacts. Some senior chiefs, like Chief Ntengu Mbokane, relocated to farms towards the Lubombo region, while others like Mshiza Maseko moved towards the Komati River. In 1890, following Mbandzeni's death, a Swaziland Convention established a Chief Court to adjudicate disputes over these controversial concessions. Swaziland was placed under a triumvirate administration in 1890, representing the British, the Dutch republics, and the Swazi people. In 1894, a subsequent convention placed Swaziland under the South African Republic (Transvaal) as a protectorate. This arrangement continued under the rule of King Ngwane V until the outbreak of the Second Boer War in October 1899.
King Ngwane V died in December 1899, during the incwala ceremony, shortly after the war began. His successor, Sobhuza II, was only four months old. Swaziland was indirectly involved in the war, with various skirmishes between the British and the Boers occurring within its territory until 1902.
3.3. British Protectorate Period (1906-1968)


In 1903, following the British victory in the Second Boer War, Swaziland became one of the British "High Commission Territories", alongside Basutoland (now Lesotho) and the Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana). A formal protectorate status was not immediately established as terms had not been agreed upon with the Swazi Queen Regent Labotsibeni Mdluli. The Swaziland Administration Proclamation of 1904 established a commission tasked with examining all concessions and defining their boundaries. This work was completed by 1907, and the Swaziland Concessions Partition Proclamation provided for a concessions partition commissioner to set aside areas for the sole use and occupation of the Swazis. The commissioner could expropriate up to one-third of each concession without compensation, with payment required for any amount exceeding one-third. By 1910, approximately 1,639,687 acres, or about 38% of Swaziland's area, was set aside for the Swazi people, though this still represented a significant alienation of land. Queen Regent Labotsibeni encouraged Swazis to work in the Transvaal (South Africa) to earn money to buy back more land from European concessionaires.
Much of the early administration, including postal services, was carried out from South Africa until 1906 when the Transvaal Colony was granted self-government. A British High Commissioner performed some functions of a governor, but the Swazis retained a degree of self-governance on their reserves, and the territory was not considered a direct British possession.
Sobhuza II was officially crowned king in December 1921 after the regency of Labotsibeni. In 1922, he led an unsuccessful deputation to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London regarding the land issue, seeking to reclaim lands lost through concessions. Despite this setback, Sobhuza II's reign, which spanned over six decades, was marked by efforts to consolidate Swazi national identity and resist British administrative power while navigating the complexities of colonial rule. Between 1923 and 1963, he established the Swazi Commercial Amadoda, which granted licenses to small businesses on Swazi reserves, and the Swazi National School to counter the dominance of missionary education. His stature grew, and the Swazi royal leadership successfully resisted the potential incorporation of Swaziland into the Union of South Africa, a persistent ambition of the South African government which would have further entrenched colonial control.
The British promulgated a constitution for Swaziland in November 1963, establishing a Legislative Council and an Executive Council. This move towards limited self-government was opposed by the King's Swazi National Council (Liqoqo), which sought to preserve traditional royal authority. Despite this opposition, elections were held, and the first Legislative Council was constituted on 9 September 1964. By this time, the area of land reserved for Swazi occupation had increased to 56%. Changes to the original constitution proposed by the Legislative Council were accepted by Britain, leading to a new constitution that provided for a House of Assembly and a Senate. Elections under this constitution were held in 1967. Following these elections, Swaziland remained a protected state until it regained full independence in 1968.
3.4. Independence (1968-Present)
Following independence on 6 September 1968, Eswatini (then Swaziland) adopted a Westminster-style constitution with King Sobhuza II as head of state. This initial move towards a constitutional monarchy was short-lived. The 1972 elections saw the royalist Imbokodvo National Movement (INM) win a majority, but the opposition Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC) secured a few seats, signaling a potential challenge to royal dominance. Concerned by these developments and the limitations on his power, King Sobhuza II, on 12 April 1973, annulled the constitution by decree, dissolved parliament, banned all political parties, and assumed supreme executive, judicial, and legislative powers. This act consolidated his authority and effectively established an absolute monarchy, a system of governance that has profoundly shaped Eswatini's political landscape and continues to be a source of significant contention and calls for democratic reform.
King Sobhuza II ruled by decree until his death in August 1982. At that point, he had been king for almost 83 years, making him the longest-reigning monarch in documented history. His death was followed by a period of regency and internal power struggles within the royal family. Queen Regent Dzeliwe Shongwe served as head of state until 1983 when she was removed by the Liqoqo (a traditional advisory council whose power had been expanded by Sobhuza II) and replaced by Queen Mother Ntfombi Tfwala. Prince Makhosetive, Ntfombi's son, was crowned King Mswati III on 25 April 1986, at the age of 18, and became the Ngwenyama (King) of Swaziland, inheriting the absolute monarchical system.
In 1982, an attempt by the South African apartheid government to transfer parts of the KwaZulu and KaNgwane Bantustans (homelands) to Swaziland was never realized. The deal, negotiated between the South African and Swazi governments, aimed to give landlocked Swaziland access to the sea and create a buffer zone against ANC guerrilla infiltration from Mozambique. However, it faced strong popular opposition within the territories intended for transfer and was ultimately abandoned, highlighting complexities in regional politics and self-determination.
The 1990s saw a rise in student and labor protests demanding democratic reforms and an end to the ban on political parties. In response to this pressure, King Mswati III initiated a process of constitutional review. A constitutional review commission was appointed in July 1996, comprising chiefs, political activists, and unionists, to draft proposals for a new constitution. Drafts released in May 1999 and November 2000 were strongly criticized by civil society organizations and international human rights groups for failing to adequately address democratic principles, limit the king's extensive powers, or ensure fundamental freedoms. A new 15-member team, reportedly with close ties to the royal family, was announced in December 2001 to draft another constitution. The current constitution was eventually adopted in 2005 and came into effect in 2006. However, it largely maintained the king's absolute powers and did not clearly lift the ban on political parties, leading to continued criticism from pro-democracy activists and concerns about its legitimacy and inclusiveness.
Elections under the new constitution were held in 2008 and 2013, with Members of Parliament (MPs) elected from 55 constituencies (tinkhundla). However, political parties remained banned from participating, undermining the democratic nature of these elections. In 2011, Eswatini faced a severe economic crisis due to reduced receipts from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). The government sought a loan from neighboring South Africa, but negotiations stalled over conditions that included political reforms, which the monarchy was reluctant to implement. Throughout this period, pressure for more substantial reforms continued, with public protests by civic organizations and trade unions becoming more common, reflecting growing public dissatisfaction. Improvements in SACU receipts from 2012 eased some fiscal pressure. Following the 2013 elections, King Mswati III reappointed Barnabas Sibusiso Dlamini as prime minister for a third time, maintaining continuity in the royal-dominated government.
3.4.1. 2018 Name Change
On 19 April 2018, King Mswati III announced during celebrations marking the 50th anniversary of Swazi independence and his 50th birthday that the Kingdom of Swaziland had been renamed the Kingdom of Eswatini. The name "Eswatini" means "land of the Swazis" in the siSwati language and reflects the name commonly used by Swazis to refer to their country. The King stated that the change was intended to revert to the nation's original name and to prevent confusion with Switzerland, with which "Swaziland" was sometimes mistaken internationally. The name change became official domestically, and international bodies like the United Nations subsequently updated their records. This unilateral decision by the King, made without broad public consultation or parliamentary debate, drew criticism from some quarters as an example of the monarch's absolute power and potentially a distraction from more pressing national issues such as poverty, high unemployment, and the lack of democratic progress.
3.4.2. 2021-2023 Pro-democracy Protests
Beginning in May 2021, Eswatini experienced a significant wave of pro-democracy protests, marking the most explosive civil unrest in its history since independence. The protests were initially sparked by the mysterious death of a law student, Thabani Nkomonye, with many suspecting police involvement. The hashtag #JusticeforThabani quickly evolved into broader demands for democratic reforms, an end to the absolute monarchy, and respect for human rights. Years of accumulated anger over the lack of meaningful political change, severe economic inequality, and the lavish lifestyle of King Mswati III amidst widespread poverty fueled the demonstrations.
The immediate trigger for the escalation of protests in late June 2021 was the government's reported banning of the delivery of petitions to tinkhundla (traditional local councils) calling for democratic reforms, including the direct election of the prime minister. This ban was widely perceived as a further suppression of political expression and a denial of citizens' rights to engage with their government.
Protests spread rapidly across the country, involving youth, students, trade unionists, and ordinary citizens. Demonstrators engaged in marches, roadblocks, and in some instances, the looting and burning of properties perceived to be linked to the King or the state, reflecting deep-seated frustration. The government's response was swift and severe. Security forces, including the army (Umbutfo Eswatini Defence Force) and police, were deployed to quell the unrest. There were widespread reports of excessive force, including the use of live ammunition against protesters, leading to dozens of deaths (estimates vary, with some civil society groups reporting over 80 fatalities) and hundreds of injuries. Mass arrests, detentions, and credible allegations of torture and abductions of activists by security forces were also documented by national and international human rights organizations, painting a grim picture of state repression.
The government imposed curfews and internet shutdowns, particularly affecting access to social media platforms, in an attempt to disrupt communication among protesters, control the flow of information, and suppress dissent. King Mswati III remained largely silent in the initial weeks of the most intense unrest, though government officials denied rumors that he had fled the country. Prime Minister Themba Masuku defended the deployment of the army, stating it was necessary to protect critical infrastructure and enforce COVID-19 regulations, denying that it amounted to a declaration of martial law, a claim disputed by activists.
The protests drew international attention and condemnation from human rights groups, some foreign governments, and international bodies, calling for restraint, dialogue, and respect for fundamental human rights. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) dispatched a fact-finding mission and later an envoy to facilitate dialogue, but progress towards meaningful political reform remained elusive, with the monarchy showing little willingness to cede power. The government initiated a national dialogue (Sibaya) process, but it was heavily criticized by pro-democracy groups as being controlled by the monarchy, lacking inclusivity, and not genuinely aimed at systemic change but rather at placating dissent.
Throughout 2022 and into 2023, tensions remained high, with sporadic protests, strikes by public sector workers (often related to pay and conditions, but also imbued with political demands), and continued calls for political reforms. The government maintained a hardline stance against pro-democracy movements, and several Members of Parliament who had openly supported the calls for reform were arrested and faced charges, including terrorism-related accusations, further exacerbating the political crisis and shrinking the space for dissent. The protests significantly impacted Eswatini's socio-political fabric, highlighting deep-seated grievances and the urgent need for a transition towards a more democratic system with robust human rights protections. The monarchy's response, characterized by repression rather than genuine engagement, has been widely criticized for undermining any prospect of national reconciliation and sustainable peace, further entrenching the country's status as Africa's last absolute monarchy and raising serious concerns about its long-term stability and the well-being of its citizens.
4. Geography
Eswatini is a small, landlocked country situated in Southern Africa. It covers an area of approximately 6.7 K mile2 (17.36 K km2). It is bordered by Mozambique to its northeast and South Africa to its north, west, south, and southeast. The country measures no more than 124 mile (200 km) from north to south and 81 mile (130 km) from east to west. Despite its small size, Eswatini features a diverse range of climates and topographies.
4.1. Topography

Eswatini is characterized by four main topographical and climatic regions that run from north to south, determined by elevation:
1. The Highveld: Located in the west, this region is an extension of the Drakensberg mountain range. It features a mountainous landscape with an average altitude of 3.9 K ft (1.20 K m), and includes Eswatini's highest point, Emlembe, at 6.1 K ft (1.86 K m). The administrative capital, Mbabane, is situated in the Highveld. This region is characterized by forests and receives the highest rainfall.
2. The Middleveld: Lying to the east of the Highveld, the Middleveld has an average elevation of around 2297 ft (700 m) above sea level. It consists of fertile hills and valleys and is the most densely populated region of Eswatini. The country's principal commercial and industrial city, Manzini, is located here. Rainfall is lower here than in the Highveld.
3. The Lowveld: Further east, the Lowveld is a hot and dry region with an average altitude of about 820 ft (250 m). It is less populated and presents a typical African bush country landscape with thorn trees and grasslands. This region is suitable for agriculture under irrigation, particularly sugarcane.
4. The Lubombo Plateau (Lebombo Mountains): Forming the eastern border with Mozambique, the Lubombo Mountains are a narrow mountain ridge with an average altitude of around 1969 ft (600 m). The mountains are broken by the canyons of three major rivers: the Ngwavuma, the Great Usutu (Lusutfu), and the Mbuluzi.
Major rivers flowing through Eswatini include the Komati River, the Mbuluzi River, the Great Usutu River (also known as the Lusutfu River, the largest in the country), and the Ngwavuma River. These rivers generally flow eastward towards the Indian Ocean.
Eswatini contains three main ecosystems: the Maputaland coastal forest mosaic, Zambezian and mopane woodlands, and Drakensberg montane grasslands, woodlands, and forests. The country had a 2018 Forest Landscape Integrity Index mean score of 4.21/10, ranking it 142nd globally out of 172 countries.
4.2. Climate and Climate Change

Eswatini's climate varies significantly across its four geographical regions. Generally, rain falls mostly during the summer months (December to March), often in the form of thunderstorms. Winter (June to August) is the dry season.
- The Highveld has a temperate climate, with warm, wet summers and cool, dry winters. It seldom experiences uncomfortably hot temperatures. Annual rainfall is highest here, ranging from 0.0 K in (1.00 K mm) to 0.1 K in (2.00 K mm).
- The Middleveld has a subtropical climate with lower rainfall than the Highveld.
- The Lowveld has a hotter, more arid climate, and may record temperatures around 104 °F (40 °C) in summer. Annual rainfall in the Lowveld ranges from 20 in (500 mm) to 35 in (900 mm).
- The Lubombo Plateau has a climate similar to the Middleveld.
Average temperatures in Mbabane (Highveld) by season are approximately:
- Spring (September-October): 64.4 °F (18 °C)
- Summer (November-March): 68 °F (20 °C)
- Autumn (April-May): 62.6 °F (17 °C)
- Winter (June-August): 55.4 °F (13 °C)
Climate Change
Eswatini is vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, which are primarily observed through changes in rainfall patterns, including increased variability, persistent droughts, and heightened storm intensity. These changes contribute to desertification, increased food insecurity, and reduced river flows, disproportionately affecting the rural poor and those reliant on agriculture. The government of Eswatini has expressed concern that climate change is exacerbating existing social challenges such as poverty, a high HIV prevalence, and food insecurity, and will drastically restrict the country's ability to develop, as outlined in its Vision 2022 development plan.
Economically, climate change has already adversely impacted Eswatini. For example, the severe drought of 2015-2016 significantly decreased the production and export of sugar and soft drink concentrate, which are Eswatini's largest economic exports. Many of the country's major exports are raw agricultural products, making them highly vulnerable to a changing climate. These environmental and economic pressures disproportionately affect rural communities and subsistence farmers, deepening social inequalities and hindering efforts towards sustainable development and poverty alleviation, thereby impacting human rights related to food, water, and livelihood.
4.3. Biodiversity and Conservation

Eswatini possesses a rich biological diversity, with a spectrum of formal and informal conservation areas that protect approximately 5% of the country's land area. The nation is home to over 820 species of vertebrates and over 2400 species of plants, including many endemic species. This biodiversity underscores Eswatini's global importance for conservation.
Major threats to biodiversity include land degradation, conversion of natural habitats to other land uses (such as legal and illegal plantation agriculture and bush-clearing), the spread of alien and invasive plant species, and unsustainable resource harvesting. Significant land fragmentation is also evident.
Eswatini is a signatory to several international environmental agreements, including the Convention on Biological Diversity, the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Three main government ministries are responsible for national biodiversity management: the Eswatini National Trust Commission (ENTC), the Eswatini Environment Authority (EEA), and the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives. Additionally, Big Game Parks, a private entity, is tasked with managing the Game Act, which controls wildlife and CITES implementation.
There are six formally gazetted protected areas in Eswatini: Malolotja Nature Reserve (managed by ENTC), Mantenga Nature Reserve (ENTC), Mlawula Nature Reserve (ENTC), Mlilwane Wildlife Sanctuary (managed by Big Game Parks), Mkhaya Game Reserve (Big Game Parks), and Hlane Royal National Park (trusted to the nation, managed by Big Game Parks). Beyond these, numerous private and community nature reserves exist, some with mixed governance structures. These include Dombeya Game Reserve, Mbuluzi Game Reserve, Shewula Nature Reserve, Phophonyane Falls Nature Reserve, Royal Jozini, IYSIS (Inyoni Yami) Game Ranch, Ngwempisi Wilderness, and Sibebe Rock. Other conservation-focused entities include the Natural History Society of Eswatini, the Eswatini Game Ranchers Association, the Mhlosinga Conservancy, and the Lubombo Conservancy.
From 2014 to 2021, Eswatini participated in the "Strengthening the National Protected Areas System" (SNPAS) project, facilitated by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and ENTC, and funded by the Global Environment Facility (GEF). This project aimed to improve conservation outcomes and expand the national footprint of biodiversity conservation. In 2018, the UNDP established a new category for informal, non-gazetted conservation areas called Other Effective area-based Conservation Measures (OECMs). The SNPAS Project adopted this OECM terminology and began certifying informal conservation areas in Eswatini in 2021.
Eswatini is home to 507 bird species, including 11 globally threatened species and four introduced species. It also hosts 107 mammal species, including the critically endangered South-central black rhinoceros and seven other endangered or vulnerable species. The country's rich birdlife includes white-backed vultures, white-headed vultures, lappet-faced vultures, and Cape vultures; raptors such as martial eagles, bateleurs, and long-crested eagles; and the southernmost nesting site of the marabou stork. Conservation efforts, particularly for rhinoceroses, have shown some cautious hope, but challenges remain due to poaching and habitat loss.
5. Politics
Eswatini operates as an absolute monarchy, where King Mswati III holds supreme authority over the government, legislature, and judiciary. This system concentrates power in the hands of the monarch and the royal elite, significantly limiting democratic processes and participation. While elections are held for some members of Parliament, political parties are banned from participating, and the King appoints the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, and a substantial portion of legislators and judges. This structure has led to widespread domestic and international criticism regarding the severe democratic deficit, suppression of dissent, and human rights violations.
5.1. System of Government and Monarchy

Eswatini is an absolute monarchy with constitutional provisions and Swazi law and customs that reinforce the monarch's power. The head of state is the King, or Ngwenyama (literally "Lion"), currently King Mswati III. He ascended to the throne in 1986 following the death of his father, King Sobhuza II, in 1982 and a subsequent period of regency. According to the country's 2005 constitution, the Ngwenyama is a symbol of unity and the eternity of the Swazi nation. However, in practice, the King holds supreme executive, legislative, and judicial authority, making all key decisions without effective checks and balances.
Traditionally, the King reigns along with his mother, or a ritual substitute, known as the Ndlovukati (literally "She-Elephant"). The Ngwenyama was historically viewed as the administrative head of state, while the Ndlovukati was seen as the spiritual and national head of state, theoretically providing a counterbalance to the King's power. However, during the long reign of Sobhuza II, and continuing under Mswati III, the role of the Ndlovukati has become largely symbolic, with effective power overwhelmingly concentrated in the hands of the King.
The King appoints the prime minister, cabinet ministers, a majority of senators, a minority of members of the House of Assembly, and key judicial figures. He also has the power to dissolve Parliament and can rule by decree. The royal family, particularly the Dlamini clan, dominates the political and economic spheres of the country. This concentration of power, lack of transparency, and suppression of opposition have been major sources of discontent and calls for democratic reform. The King is exempt from taxation and is not liable to any civil or criminal proceedings, placing him above the law. This absolute authority and lack of accountability are central to the ongoing political tensions and human rights concerns in Eswatini.
5.2. Legislature (Parliament)
Eswatini has a bicameral Parliament, known as Libandla, which consists of the Senate and the House of Assembly. However, its powers are severely limited, and it largely serves to rubber-stamp the King's decisions rather than functioning as an independent legislative body capable of holding the executive accountable or representing the diverse will of the people.
- The Senate has 30 members. Ten are appointed by the House of Assembly (which itself is heavily influenced by the King), and the remaining 20 are directly appointed by the King. Senators serve five-year terms. This appointment structure ensures royal control over the upper house.
- The House of Assembly has a maximum of 79 members (currently 69 occupied seats based on the 2023 election, with 10 members appointed by the monarch and 59 elected by popular vote, plus the Attorney General ex-officio if not already a member). The 59 elected members are chosen from tinkhundla (constituencies) through a non-partisan electoral system, as political parties are banned. They also serve five-year terms.
The King has the authority to appoint some members to Parliament to represent "special interests," a vaguely defined provision that can include individuals who were not elected or did not stand for election. This provision allows the King to further consolidate his influence within the legislature by bringing in loyalists. The Parliament's role is largely advisory, and it cannot effectively challenge the King's authority or initiate significant legislation without royal approval. The ban on political parties further undermines its representative function and democratic legitimacy, leading to a system where true political opposition is suppressed.
5.3. Judiciary
Eswatini's judicial system is a dual system, incorporating both Roman-Dutch common law and traditional Swazi law and custom (Swazi National Courts). The 2005 constitution established a court system based on the Western model, consisting of Magistrates Courts, a High Court, and a Supreme Court (which replaced the former Court of Appeal).
Judges for the High Court and Supreme Court are appointed by the King on the advice of the Judicial Service Commission, which itself is largely influenced by the King. While the constitution ostensibly provides for judicial independence, in practice, the judiciary has faced significant criticism for a lack of genuine independence from royal control, particularly in politically sensitive cases or those involving the King's interests or allies. This erodes public trust in the justice system and undermines the rule of law. Expatriate judges, often from South Africa, have historically played a significant role in the higher courts.
Traditional Swazi Courts handle minor offenses and matters related to customary law. These courts operate under the authority of chiefs and are an integral part of the traditional governance structure, which coexists with the formal legal system. However, the traditional system also reinforces the King's authority, as chiefs are ultimately accountable to him. Issues of access to justice, judicial impartiality, lack of due process in traditional courts, and the overall rule of law remain significant concerns, especially in the context of protecting human rights and political freedoms.
Chief Justices since 1967:
- 1967-1970: Sir Isadore Victor Elgan
- 1970-1972: Sir Philip Pike
- 1972-c.1973: Roland Hill
- c.1974-c.1983: Charles Nathan
- 1985-1991: Nicholas Robin Hannah
- 1998-2002: Stanley Sapire
- 2002-2007: Jacobus Annandale (acting)
- 2007-2010: Richard Banda
- 2010-2015: Michael Ramodibedi
- 2015-present: Bheki Maphalala
5.4. Elections and Political Parties
Elections in Eswatini are held every five years to elect a portion of the members of the House of Assembly from 59 tinkhundla (constituencies). The electoral system is non-partisan, as political parties have been officially banned since King Sobhuza II's 1973 decree, which suspended the constitution and prohibited party activity. The 2005 constitution did not explicitly lift this ban, and political parties remain unable to register or participate formally in elections, severely curtailing freedom of association and political expression.
The nomination process for candidates occurs at the chiefdom level (umphakatsi). Aspiring candidates are nominated by a show of hands, and if they accept and receive sufficient support, they proceed to primary elections within the chiefdom. Winners of these primary elections then contest secondary elections at the inkhundla level. The ballot is secret. All election procedures are overseen by the Elections and Boundaries Commission, whose members are also appointed by the King, raising concerns about its independence.
This system, known as the Tinkhundla system, is presented by the monarchy as a traditional form of Swazi democracy unique to the nation. However, it is widely criticized by domestic pro-democracy groups, international observers, and human rights organizations for being fundamentally undemocratic. The ban on political parties severely restricts freedom of association, prevents organized political opposition, and limits political participation to individuals rather than platforms or ideologies. Candidates contest elections as individuals, and their ability to campaign freely or challenge the King's policies is extremely limited. The King retains ultimate authority, appointing the Prime Minister, the cabinet, and a significant portion of Parliament, rendering the elected body largely subservient to the monarchy and unable to enact meaningful checks on royal power.
Despite the ban, several informal political groupings and civil society organizations advocate for multi-party democracy and comprehensive constitutional reforms that would limit the King's powers and establish a genuine democratic system. These include groups like the People's United Democratic Movement (PUDEMO), the Ngwane National Liberatory Congress (NNLC), and the Swaziland Communist Party. Activists and members of these groups often face harassment, arrest, detention, and prosecution under repressive laws. The lack of genuine democratic processes and the systemic suppression of political dissent are major human rights concerns in Eswatini and were key drivers of the 2021-2023 pro-democracy protests. According to 2023 V-Dem Democracy indices, Eswatini is ranked as the 9th lowest electoral democracy worldwide and the 2nd lowest in Africa, underscoring the severe democratic deficit and the urgent need for reform.
6. Administrative Divisions

Eswatini is divided into four administrative regions: Hhohho, Lubombo, Manzini, and Shiselweni. Each region is headed by a Regional Administrator, appointed by the King, who is responsible for overseeing governmental functions and development within the region.
Within each region, there are several tinkhundla (singular: inkhundla), which serve as local administrative and development centers, as well as electoral constituencies for the House of Assembly. There are currently 59 tinkhundla in the country. Each inkhundla is composed of several chiefdoms (imiphakatsi). Each inkhundla has a development committee (bucopho) elected from the various chiefdoms in its area for a five-year term. The bucopho brings matters of interest from their chiefdoms to the inkhundla and takes decisions back to the chiefdoms. The chairperson of the bucopho is elected at the inkhundla and is called indvuna ye nkhundla.
Local government is further divided into urban and rural councils. Urban areas are classified as city councils, town councils, or town boards, depending on their size and level of development. There are currently two city councils (Mbabane and Manzini), three town councils, and seven town boards. Rural councils effectively correspond to the tinkhundla structures. Decisions at the local council level are typically made by the full council based on recommendations from various sub-committees, with a town clerk serving as the chief advisor.
The main cities and towns in Eswatini, which also serve as regional capitals, are:
- Mbabane (Hhohho Region, administrative capital)
- Manzini (Manzini Region, economic hub)
- Siteki (Lubombo Region)
- Nhlangano (Shiselweni Region)
- Lobamba (Hhohho Region, traditional and legislative capital, though often considered part of the Mbabane-Manzini corridor rather than a distinct large urban center by population)
Region # | Region | Capital | Area (km2) | Population (2017 census) |
---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Hhohho | Mbabane | 1.4 K mile2 (3.63 K km2) | 320,651 |
2 | Manzini | Manzini | 1.6 K mile2 (4.09 K km2) | 355,945 |
3 | Lubombo | Siteki | 2.3 K mile2 (5.85 K km2) | 212,531 |
4 | Shiselweni | Nhlangano | 1.5 K mile2 (3.79 K km2) | 204,111 |
7. Military

The military of Eswatini is the Umbutfo Eswatini Defence Force (UEDF). Its primary roles are stated to be maintaining national security, defending the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and supporting civilian authorities. However, its most significant deployments have been internal, particularly in response to domestic protests and civil unrest, leading to criticism that its main function is regime protection. The King is the Commander-in-Chief of the UEDF and also serves as the substantive Minister of Defence, further concentrating state power.
The UEDF has an estimated strength of approximately 3,000 active personnel. The army is the largest component. There is also a small air wing, which is mainly used for transporting the King, government officials, cargo, and personnel, as well as for surveillance, search and rescue operations, and mobilization during national emergencies. Eswatini is a landlocked country and does not have a navy.
The UEDF has historically not been involved in foreign conflicts. Its most significant deployments have been internal, particularly in response to domestic protests and civil unrest. During the pro-democracy protests in 2021-2023, the UEDF was widely deployed alongside the police to suppress demonstrations. This deployment led to numerous and credible accusations of excessive force, human rights violations, and the killings of civilians by security forces. This role in quelling dissent has drawn significant criticism from international human rights organizations and pro-democracy advocates, who argue that the military is primarily used to protect the monarchical regime and suppress legitimate calls for democratic reform rather than safeguarding the populace or national security from external threats.
Eswatini's defense budget is relatively modest in absolute terms, but critics often point out that resources allocated to the military and state security could be better used to address pressing socio-economic issues like extreme poverty, inadequate healthcare, and failing education systems, especially given the country's limited external threats and significant internal challenges. The UEDF has engaged in some external military cooperation, including training exercises with forces from other countries, such as the United States.
8. Foreign Relations
Eswatini's foreign policy is characterized by its efforts to maintain sovereignty, secure economic development assistance, and navigate its position as a small, landlocked nation heavily influenced by its larger neighbor, South Africa. The country is a member of major international organizations, including the United Nations (UN), the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the Commonwealth of Nations. However, its internal political situation, particularly the lack of democracy and poor human rights record, often complicates its international standing.
8.1. Relations with South Africa
Eswatini's relationship with South Africa is historically deep, complex, and economically vital. South Africa almost entirely surrounds Eswatini and is its largest trading partner, the primary source of imports, and a major destination for exports. The lilangeni, Eswatini's currency, is pegged to the South African rand, and the rand is also accepted as legal tender in Eswatini. Eswatini is a member of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), from which it derives a significant portion of its government revenue, making it highly dependent on this regional arrangement.
Political ties are generally close, though South Africa's democratic government has, at times, faced pressure from its own civil society, trade unions (like COSATU), and political parties to take a stronger stance on the lack of democracy and human rights issues in Eswatini. During the 2021-2023 pro-democracy protests in Eswatini, there were calls from within South Africa for its government to intervene or mediate more forcefully to promote democratic reforms and protect human rights. Many Swazis work in South Africa, and remittances form an important part of Eswatini's economy. The close social and cultural ties, including extensive cross-border family connections, further solidify this critical bilateral relationship. There have been historical land claims by Eswatini on parts of South African territory, but these have not been actively pursued in recent years.
8.2. Relations with Taiwan (Republic of China)
Eswatini is one of the few countries in the world, and the only remaining country in Africa as of 2024, that maintains full diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (ROC), commonly known as Taiwan, instead of the People's Republic of China (PRC). This relationship dates back to Eswatini's independence in 1968.
Taiwan has been a significant provider of economic and technical assistance to Eswatini, supporting projects in agriculture, healthcare, education, and infrastructure. King Mswati III has made numerous state visits to Taiwan, and Taiwanese presidents have also visited Eswatini, underscoring the close ties. This diplomatic stance has placed Eswatini in a unique position, often resisting considerable pressure from the PRC to switch recognition. The relationship is often framed by both sides as one of mutual support between smaller nations. Critics, however, sometimes suggest that Taiwan's financial and diplomatic support helps to prop up the undemocratic regime in Eswatini, thereby hindering democratic progress, while proponents argue it provides vital development aid to a needy country.
8.3. Relations with Other States and International Organizations
Eswatini maintains diplomatic relations with numerous other countries, including the United States and member states of the European Union. These partners are also important sources of trade, investment, and development aid. The US, through the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), has provided trade preferences, though Eswatini's eligibility has occasionally been reviewed and even temporarily suspended due to concerns about labor rights, suppression of political freedoms, and lack of progress on democratic reforms. The EU is a major market for Eswatini's sugar exports and also provides development assistance, often tied to governance and human rights conditions.
Eswatini actively participates in international and regional organizations:
- United Nations (UN):** Eswatini has been a member since its independence and participates in various UN agencies. UN bodies have frequently raised concerns about human rights in the country.
- African Union (AU):** As a member of the AU, Eswatini engages in continental political and economic cooperation. The AU's stance on the political situation in Eswatini has often been criticized as muted.
- Southern African Development Community (SADC):** SADC is crucial for regional economic integration and political cooperation. SADC has played a role in trying to mediate the political crisis in Eswatini, particularly following the 2021 protests, though its effectiveness has been widely questioned by pro-democracy groups who see it as overly deferential to the monarchy.
- Commonwealth of Nations:** Eswatini's membership in the Commonwealth has sometimes brought scrutiny regarding its adherence to the Commonwealth's core values of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law, with calls for stronger action from the organization.
Eswatini's foreign policy generally aligns with principles of non-alignment, though its close ties with South Africa and Taiwan are defining features. The government often emphasizes peaceful resolution of disputes and regional stability. However, its internal political situation and human rights record frequently draw international attention and strain relations with partners who prioritize democratic governance and respect for fundamental freedoms, leading to calls for targeted sanctions and increased pressure for reform.
9. Economy
Eswatini has a small, developing economy that is diverse but heavily reliant on its larger neighbor, South Africa, and vulnerable to external shocks. The country is classified as a lower-middle-income economy. Its economic performance is influenced by global commodity prices (especially sugar), receipts from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), and critical internal factors such as governance, the impact of the absolute monarchy on economic decision-making, and severe socio-economic challenges including high rates of HIV/AIDS, widespread poverty, and extreme inequality. A social liberal perspective necessitates a critical examination of how these economic structures and policies impact human well-being, labor rights, and equitable development.
9.1. Economic Structure and Overview

Eswatini's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was approximately 4.90 B USD in 2022. Its GDP per capita is relatively low for the region, reflecting widespread poverty and one of the highest income inequality rates globally. The economy is inextricably linked to South Africa, which accounts for the vast majority of Eswatini's imports (over 90%) and a large share of its exports (around 70%).
The national currency is the lilangeni (plural: emalangeni, symbol: L or E), which is pegged at par to the South African rand. The rand is also widely accepted as legal tender in Eswatini. This peg provides a degree of monetary policy stability but also means Eswatini's monetary policy is effectively determined by the South African Reserve Bank, limiting its independent monetary tools.
Eswatini is a member of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), alongside South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, and Namibia. Revenue from the SACU customs pool is a critical, yet volatile, component of Eswatini's government budget, often accounting for over half of total government revenue. This heavy dependence makes the country highly vulnerable to fluctuations in SACU receipts, which can significantly impact public spending and fiscal stability. Eswatini is also a member of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).
A significant portion of Eswatini's wealth, including vast tracts of land and major corporations like the Royal Eswatini Sugar (RES) Corporation, is controlled by the state and, more directly, by the King through entities such as Tibiyo Taka Ngwane. Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, a controversial sovereign wealth fund established by King Sobhuza II, operates with little public oversight and is a majority owner of RES Corporation, with the Eswatini government holding an additional smaller share. This concentration of wealth and economic power in the hands of the monarchy, without commensurate public benefit or accountability, is a major source of public discontent and criticism, especially given the high levels of poverty and inequality in the nation.
9.2. Main Economic Sectors
Eswatini's economy is structured around agriculture (both commercial and subsistence), manufacturing (largely export-oriented), and services (dominated by the public sector).
9.2.1. Agriculture and Forestry
Agriculture and forestry contribute significantly to Eswatini's GDP and employment, although there is a stark dichotomy between commercial and subsistence farming. Much of the rural population is engaged in subsistence agriculture on Swazi Nation Land (SNL), which is held in trust by the King and allocated by chiefs. SNL is characterized by low productivity, insecure land tenure (which discourages investment), and limited access to credit and modern inputs. This contrasts sharply with Title Deed Land (TDL), often large commercial farms (many with historical links to colonial concessions or royal interests), which are characterized by high investment, irrigation, and productivity, primarily focusing on export crops.
- Sugarcane:** This is Eswatini's most important cash crop and a major export earner. Large plantations, primarily on TDL, dominate production. The sugar industry is a significant employer but has faced persistent criticism regarding labor conditions, including low wages, long working hours (reports of up to 60 hours a week for seasonal workers), inadequate safety standards, and difficulties with independent unionization. Forced evictions of rural communities to make way for sugarcane plantations have also been reported by human rights groups, highlighting land tenure conflicts, lack of consultation, and violations of housing rights.
- Citrus fruits:** Oranges and grapefruits are other important export crops, primarily grown on TDL.
- Forestry:** Large-scale pine and eucalyptus plantations, often foreign-owned or linked to state entities, support a timber and pulp industry. Much of this is also on TDL. Environmental concerns regarding water usage and biodiversity impact of these monoculture plantations have been raised.
- Subsistence Farming:** The majority of the population relies on cultivating crops like maize (the staple food) and raising livestock on SNL. This sector is highly vulnerable to drought, climate change, and lack of government support, contributing to food insecurity.
Issues of land tenure are critical, with the traditional system often hindering agricultural development for smallholders and perpetuating rural poverty, while also being a tool for political control by chiefs and the monarchy. Labor conditions in the commercial agricultural sector, particularly on sugar plantations, have been a long-standing concern for international labor organizations and human rights advocates, citing arduous work, low pay, suppression of union activities, and inadequate social protections for workers.
9.2.2. Mining
Mining was historically more significant in Eswatini but now plays a smaller role in the economy.
- Iron Ore:** The Ngwenya Mine, one of the oldest known mines in the world, was a major source of iron ore exports, but large-scale operations ceased in the late 1970s due to resource depletion and market changes.
- Asbestos:** The Havelock asbestos mine was once a major employer and exporter, but it closed in the early 2000s due to declining global demand and severe health concerns associated with asbestos exposure for workers and surrounding communities, leaving a legacy of health problems.
- Coal:** Small-scale coal mining continues, primarily for domestic use and some export. Concerns exist about environmental regulation and community impact.
There is potential for other mineral exploitation, but development has been limited, partly due to governance issues and lack of transparency in awarding concessions.
9.2.3. Manufacturing
The manufacturing sector is a significant contributor to GDP and exports, driven largely by foreign investment seeking preferential trade access and lower labor costs.
- Textiles and Apparel:** This industry grew rapidly, benefiting from trade preferences like the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the US. However, it faces challenges from international competition, changes in trade agreements, and the country's record on labor rights, which has led to temporary suspensions from AGOA benefits in the past. Labor conditions and wages in textile factories, often employing a predominantly female workforce, have also been subjects of ongoing concern regarding low pay, poor working conditions, and restrictions on union organizing.
- Sugar Processing:** Raw sugarcane is processed into sugar, molasses, and ethanol, adding value locally.
- Food and Beverage Processing:** This includes fruit canning (pineapples, citrus), soft drink concentrates (a major export), and other agricultural product processing.
9.2.4. Services
The services sector, heavily influenced by government services, is the largest contributor to GDP.
- Government Services:** The public sector is a major employer, but its size, wage bill, and efficiency have been criticized as a drain on public finances, often crowding out investment in other productive sectors or essential social services. Patronage and lack of meritocracy in public sector employment are also concerns.
- Finance:** The financial sector includes banks (mostly subsidiaries of South African banks), insurance companies, and other financial institutions. The Central Bank of Eswatini oversees monetary policy and financial regulation. Access to finance for small businesses and rural populations remains limited.
- Telecommunications:** The telecommunications sector has seen some liberalization, but connectivity, particularly internet access, and affordability remain challenges, hindering digital development and access to information.
- Tourism:** Tourism is considered a sector with growth potential, leveraging Eswatini's cultural heritage and natural beauty. (See #Tourism section for more details). However, political instability and negative international perceptions can impact this sector.
9.3. Economic Issues and Challenges
Eswatini faces a range of severe economic and social challenges that impede sustainable development, perpetuate inequality, and impact the human rights of its citizens:
- Poverty, Unemployment, and Inequality:** Eswatini has one of the highest income inequality rates in the world (Gini coefficient). A large portion of the population lives in extreme poverty (around 70% below the national poverty line, with many in deep poverty), and unemployment, especially among youth, is chronically high (officially around 23%, but independent estimates and youth unemployment figures are much higher, exceeding 40-50%). Wealth is heavily concentrated in the hands of the elite, including the royal family and those connected to it, leading to widespread frustration.
- HIV/AIDS Pandemic:** The socio-economic impact of HIV/AIDS is devastating. High prevalence rates have reduced life expectancy, orphaned many children, and strained healthcare and social support systems. It also impacts labor productivity, household incomes, and overall economic growth. (See #HIV/AIDS Pandemic section).
- Fiscal Sustainability and Governance:** The government's heavy reliance on volatile SACU revenues makes public finances vulnerable. A high public sector wage bill, significant spending on royal projects and security forces, and issues of corruption and mismanagement of public funds have strained the budget and diverted resources from essential services. Lack of transparency and accountability in public financial management is a major concern.
- Labor Rights and Social Equity:** Issues such as extremely low wages (especially in agriculture and textiles), poor working conditions, severe restrictions on trade union activities (including harassment and arrest of union leaders), and child labor (particularly in agriculture and domestic service) are significant concerns raised by international labor bodies and human rights groups. The lack of robust social safety nets exacerbates the vulnerability of the poor and unemployed.
- Governance and Infrastructure:** Inadequate governance, systemic corruption, lack of rule of law in practice, and underdeveloped infrastructure (particularly in rural areas, affecting access to markets, healthcare, and education) hinder investment and broad-based economic development. The absolute monarchy's control over economic resources and decision-making, often prioritizing royal interests over public good, is widely seen as a fundamental barrier to equitable growth, accountability, and democratic development.
- Land Tenure:** The traditional land tenure system on Swazi Nation Land, where land is held in trust by the King and allocated by chiefs (often based on loyalty), limits access to credit and investment for smallholder farmers, hinders agricultural productivity, perpetuates rural poverty, and can be used as a tool of political control.
Public services are often poorly developed and under-resourced. Reports indicate issues such as a limited number of public ambulances, elementary schools lacking basic facilities like canteens or adequate sanitation, and shortages of essential medicines in public clinics and hospitals, reflecting chronic underinvestment in essential public goods. King Mswati III and the royal family receive a significant portion of the national budget for their personal upkeep and projects, while the police and armed forces also receive substantial allocations, expenditures often criticized in light of the pressing social needs and poverty faced by the majority of the population.
10. Transport
Eswatini's transportation infrastructure is moderately developed, with road transport being the dominant mode. As a landlocked country, its access to international maritime trade relies on road and rail links through neighboring Mozambique and South Africa. The quality and accessibility of transport infrastructure significantly impact economic activity and social equity.
10.1. Roads and Railways
- Roads:** Eswatini has a network of primary and secondary roads, with major routes connecting key urban centers and border posts. The total road network is several thousand kilometers, though the quality varies significantly. Paved roads primarily link main towns and commercial areas, while unpaved roads, often in poor condition, are common in rural areas, hindering access to markets, schools, and healthcare for many communities. The MR3 highway, connecting Mbabane and Manzini, is a key economic artery. Over-reliance on road transport for freight contributes to road wear, safety concerns, and high transport costs. Public transport primarily consists of minibuses (kombis) and buses, which are often overcrowded and may not adhere to safety standards.
- Railways:** Eswatini Railways (formerly Swaziland Railway) operates a rail network primarily used for freight. The network has a total length of about 187 mile (301 km). The main lines connect with the South African and Mozambican rail systems, facilitating the transport of bulk commodities like sugar, coal, and timber to and from ports such as Maputo (Mozambique) and Richards Bay/Durban (South Africa). A significant portion of the rail traffic is transit freight between South Africa and these ports. There are limited passenger rail services, if any, for the general public. Investment in rail infrastructure has been geared towards commercial interests rather than broad public benefit.
10.2. Aviation
- Airports:** The primary international airport is King Mswati III International Airport (IATA: SHO, ICAO: FDSK), located near Mpaka in the Lubombo Region. It opened in 2014, replacing the older Matsapha Airport (IATA: MTS, ICAO: FDMS) near Manzini as the main international gateway. Matsapha Airport now primarily handles cargo, VIP flights, and some smaller aircraft.
- Airlines and Routes:** Eswatini Air (formerly Royal Eswatini National Airways Corporation - RENAC) is the national airline, offering regional flights, primarily to Johannesburg, South Africa. Other regional airlines also serve King Mswati III International Airport. Air transport services are relatively limited and can be expensive, primarily catering to business travelers and wealthier individuals rather than the general populace. The construction of King Mswati III International Airport was highly controversial, with critics questioning its necessity, exorbitant cost (in a country with widespread poverty), and transparency of the contracts, given the existing infrastructure at Matsapha and the relatively low passenger volumes. Many viewed it as a vanity project.
11. Society
Eswatini's society is characterized by a predominant Swazi ethnic group, strong traditional customs intertwined with monarchical rule, and significant socio-economic disparities. The nation faces immense challenges in health, particularly due to HIV/AIDS, and in providing equitable access to education and other essential services. These social issues are often exacerbated by the political and economic structures of the absolute monarchy.
11.1. Population
As of the 2017 census, Eswatini had a population of 1,093,238. The population growth rate has been significantly affected by the HIV/AIDS pandemic, which has led to high mortality rates and reduced life expectancy, as well as by emigration, often for economic reasons. The population is predominantly young, with a significant proportion under the age of 15 (around 35% as of 2018) and a median age of approximately 22 years. Population density varies, with the Middleveld being the most densely populated region.
11.1.1. Major Cities


The main urban centers in Eswatini include:
- Mbabane**: Located in the Hhohho Region in the Highveld, Mbabane is the administrative capital of Eswatini. It hosts most government ministries and embassies. Its population was approximately 76,218 according to some estimates around 2017.
- Manzini**: Situated in the Manzini Region in the Middleveld, Manzini is the largest urban center and the primary economic and industrial hub of the country. Its population was estimated at around 110,537 around 2017.
- Nhlangano**: The administrative capital of the Shiselweni Region, located in the south. Population around 9,016.
- Siteki**: The administrative capital of the Lubombo Region, located in the east. Population around 6,152.
- Lobamba**: Located in the Hhohho region, between Mbabane and Manzini, Lobamba is the traditional and legislative capital, home to the Parliament and the royal residences (Ludzidzini Royal Village). Its population is smaller, around 4,557.
- Big Bend**: An agricultural town in the Lubombo region, known for sugarcane plantations. Population around 10,342.
- Malkerns**: An agricultural town in the Manzini region, known for pineapple and citrus. Population around 9,724.
- Mhlume**: A company town in the Lubombo region associated with sugar estates. Population around 8,652.
- Hluti**: A town in the Shiselweni region. Population around 6,763.
- Piggs Peak**: A town in the Hhohho region, known for forestry. Population around 5,750.
City/Town | Region | Population |
---|---|---|
Manzini | Manzini | 110,537 |
Mbabane | Hhohho | 76,218 |
Big Bend | Lubombo | 10,342 |
Malkerns | Manzini | 9,724 |
Nhlangano | Shiselweni | 9,016 |
Mhlume | Lubombo | 8,652 |
Hluti | Shiselweni | 6,763 |
Siteki | Lubombo | 6,152 |
Piggs Peak | Hhohho | 5,750 |
Lobamba | Hhohho | 4,557 |


11.2. Ethnic Groups
The vast majority of Eswatini's population (approximately 82-84%) is ethnically Swazi, a Nguni-speaking group. There are also smaller minority groups, including Zulus (often integrated with Swazis due to close historical and cultural ties), Tsongas, and White Africans, primarily of British and Afrikaner descent, whose presence often dates back to the colonial era and land concessions. Some Swazis traditionally engaged in subsistence farming and herding, but many now combine these activities with work in the formal urban economy and government, often under precarious conditions. Eswatini has also historically received Portuguese settlers and refugees from Mozambique, particularly during and after Mozambique's civil war.
11.3. Languages
The official languages of Eswatini are siSwati and English.
- siSwati (also known as Swati or Swazi) is a Bantu language belonging to the Nguni group. It is spoken by the vast majority of the population (approximately 2.5 million speakers including those in South Africa) and is taught in schools, though resources for its development and use in higher functions can be limited.
- English is widely used in government, business, education (as the medium of instruction from later primary grades onwards), and the press. Proficiency in English often correlates with socio-economic status and access to opportunities.
Other minority languages spoken in the country include:
- Zulu: Spoken by about 76,000 people, mainly in areas bordering KwaZulu-Natal.
- Tsonga: Spoken by about 19,000 people, particularly in the eastern regions.
- Afrikaans: Spoken by some residents of Afrikaner descent.
Portuguese has also been introduced as a third language in some schools, partly due to the presence of Portuguese speakers from Mozambique and historical connections, though its widespread use is limited.
11.4. Religion
Christianity is the dominant religion in Eswatini, adhered to by approximately 83-88% of the population.
- Protestant and Indigenous African Churches**: This group forms the majority of Christians, with African Zionist churches (blending Christian and traditional African beliefs) being particularly prominent and widespread (around 40% of the population). Anglican, Methodist, Lutheran, and other Protestant denominations are also significant. In 2012, Ellinah Wamukoya was elected Anglican Bishop of Swaziland, becoming the first woman to be a bishop in Africa; she served until her death in 2021, a notable moment for women in religious leadership.
- Roman Catholicism**: Accounts for about 6-20% of the population, with an established diocesan structure.
Approximately 10-15% of the population follows traditional Swazi beliefs, which involve reverence for ancestors (emadloti) and traditional healers (sangomas and inyangas). These beliefs often coexist or are practiced syncretically with Christian practices. Many Swazis ascribe a special spiritual role to the monarch, which reinforces traditional authority structures.
Other non-Christian religions practiced in Eswatini include:
- Islam: Around 2% of the population, primarily composed of immigrants from South Asia and other African countries, as well as local converts. The Kingdom of Eswatini does not recognize non-civil marriages, such as Islamic-rite marriage contracts, which can create legal difficulties for the Muslim community regarding inheritance and other family law matters.
- Baháʼí Faith: Around 0.5%, with a long history in the country.
- Hinduism: Around 0.2%, mostly among the Indo-Swazi community.
There was a small Jewish community of about 14 families in 2013. Freedom of religion is generally respected in law, but the pervasive influence of the monarchy and its associated traditional beliefs means that these often play a significant role in public life and national ceremonies.
11.5. Education

Education in Eswatini encompasses pre-school, primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. However, access, quality, and relevance remain significant challenges, contributing to social inequality.
- Pre-school Education:** Early childhood care and education centers (ECCE) exist in the form of preschools or neighborhood care points, catering to children aged 5 or younger. Access to ECCE was around 21.6% for preschool-aged children as of the early 2010s, and is often limited by affordability and availability, particularly in rural areas.
- Primary Education:** Starts at age six and is a seven-year program, culminating in a national examination (Swaziland Primary Certificate - SPC) in grade 7. Education is officially free at the primary level, particularly for the early grades (1-4) and for orphaned and vulnerable children (OVCs), but parents often still face costs for uniforms, stationery, and school development funds. It is not compulsory. Despite efforts, challenges remain in terms of quality (large class sizes, undertrained teachers), resources (lack of textbooks, poor infrastructure), and access, especially in rural and impoverished areas. In 1996, the net primary school enrollment rate was 90.8%, with gender parity at this level. In 1998, 80.5% of children reached grade five, but dropout rates, particularly for boys in later primary years and for girls due to pregnancy or household duties, are a concern.
- Secondary and High School Education:** This is a five-year program divided into three years of junior secondary (Forms 1-3) and two years of senior secondary (Forms 4-5). A public examination (Junior Certificate - JC) is taken at the end of junior secondary to progress to the senior level. At the end of senior secondary, students sit for the Eswatini General Certificate of Secondary Education (EGCSE) or the International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE), accredited by Cambridge International Examinations. A few schools offer Advanced Studies (AS) programs. Access to secondary education is more limited than primary, often due to higher fees and fewer schools, particularly in rural areas.
There are over 830 public schools (primary, secondary, and high schools) and a smaller number of recognized and unrecognized private schools. The Hhohho region has the largest number of schools. The literacy rate for adults was estimated at 87% in 2015. While enrollment rates have been relatively high compared to some sub-Saharan African countries, issues of educational quality, teacher shortages (especially in subjects like math and science), inadequate infrastructure (classrooms, sanitation, laboratories), and the profound impact of poverty and HIV/AIDS on students' ability to attend and complete school remain significant challenges. The curriculum and educational system are often criticized for not adequately preparing youth for the labor market, which is characterized by high unemployment, thus contributing to cycles of poverty and social exclusion.
In 1963, Waterford School (later Waterford Kamhlaba United World College of Southern Africa) was founded as southern Africa's first multiracial school, a significant institution during the apartheid era, offering education to students from diverse backgrounds. In 1981, it became the first United World College on the African continent.
11.5.1. Higher Education
Tertiary education in Eswatini is provided by universities, colleges, and technical/vocational institutes.
- University of Eswatini (UNESWA):** Established in 1982, UNESWA is the national university with its main campus at Kwaluseni and additional campuses in Mbabane (health sciences) and Luyengo (agriculture). It offers a range of undergraduate and postgraduate programs. It has faced challenges with funding, infrastructure, and periodic student protests related to allowances and governance.
- Southern African Nazarene University (SANU):** Established in 2010 through a merger of Nazarene institutions (College of Nursing, College of Theology, Teachers College), SANU is located in Manzini and is a significant producer of nurses for the country.
- Eswatini Medical Christian University (EMCU):** Established in 2012 in Mbabane, focusing on medical education, though it has faced challenges in accreditation and resources.
- Limkokwing University of Creative Technology:** A campus of this Malaysian private university opened in Mbabane in 2012, offering programs in creative industries, but has also been subject to controversy regarding fees and relevance.
- Teacher Training Colleges:** Ngwane Teacher's College and William Pitcher College are the primary institutions for teacher training at the diploma level.
- Technical and Vocational Education:** The Eswatini College of Technology (SCOT) is the main center for technical training. Other institutions include the Gwamile Vocational and Commercial Training Institute (GVCTI) in Matsapha, Manzini Industrial and Training Centre (MITC), Nhlangano Agricultural Skills Training Centre, and Siteki Industrial Training Centre. However, the TVET sector is often under-resourced and struggles to meet industry needs.
- Management Institutes:** The Eswatini Institute of Management and Public Administration (SIMPA) is a government-owned institute for civil service training. The Institute of Development Management (IDM) is a regional organization serving Botswana, Lesotho, and Eswatini. Mananga Management Centre also offers management development training, primarily for the agricultural sector.
Access to higher education is limited by the number of places available and the ability of students to afford fees and living costs. The capacity of local institutions does not meet the demand. Funding for higher education, quality assurance, and the relevance of programs to national development needs and the job market are ongoing challenges. Many students seek higher education opportunities abroad, particularly in South Africa, if they can secure funding. The lack of opportunities for graduates contributes to brain drain and youth disillusionment.
11.6. Health
Eswatini faces severe health challenges, significantly impacting its population's well-being and the country's development. Key health indicators include a relatively low average life expectancy (around 58 years as of 2018, though this has slightly improved from its lowest point during the peak of the AIDS crisis due to ART rollout, it remains low globally) and high infant and maternal mortality rates. Healthcare facilities, particularly in rural areas, often suffer from chronic understaffing, frequent stockouts of essential medicines and equipment, and inadequate infrastructure. Public health services are frequently criticized for being poorly developed, underfunded, and inefficient, with reports of insufficient ambulances, long waiting times, and disappearing or poorly stocked pharmacies. These systemic weaknesses disproportionately affect the poor and vulnerable, violating their right to health.
The country's global hunger index score for 2024 was 15.7, ranking it 74th, indicating a moderate level of hunger but still a serious concern, particularly given recurrent droughts and high poverty levels.
11.6.1. HIV/AIDS Pandemic
Eswatini has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world. As of 2019, an estimated 27.1% of the adult population (aged 15-49) was living with HIV, a figure that represents a profound national crisis. The pandemic has had a devastating socio-economic impact:
- Mortality and Life Expectancy:** It drastically reduced life expectancy (though ART has helped recover some years) and led to high rates of premature death, particularly among young and middle-aged adults, robbing the country of a productive generation.
- Orphans and Vulnerable Children:** A very large number of children have been orphaned by AIDS, placing immense strain on extended families (often headed by elderly grandparents) and inadequate social support systems. This has long-term consequences for child welfare, education, and social stability.
- Healthcare System:** The epidemic has overwhelmed the healthcare system, diverting resources and personnel from other essential health needs. Healthcare workers themselves are affected, and facilities struggle to cope with the burden of HIV-related illnesses and co-infections.
- Economic Impact:** It has reduced labor productivity, increased healthcare costs for businesses and households, deepened poverty, and created a cycle of vulnerability. Household incomes are decimated by illness and death of breadwinners.
The Eswatini government, with significant support from international partners (such as UNAIDS, Global Fund, PEPFAR), has implemented various programs to combat HIV/AIDS. These include prevention campaigns (promoting safe sex, voluntary male medical circumcision), widespread HIV testing and counseling, and the provision of antiretroviral treatment (ART). Access to ART has significantly increased, leading to improved survival rates for people living with HIV and a substantial reduction in mother-to-child transmission.
Despite these efforts, significant challenges remain. Stigma and discrimination against people living with HIV persist, hindering testing and adherence to treatment. Vulnerable populations, including young women and girls (who face disproportionately high infection rates due to gender inequality, poverty, and intergenerational relationships), sex workers, and men who have sex with men (MSM, for whom homosexual acts remain illegal, creating barriers to access), face higher risks of infection and difficulties accessing services. Co-infection with tuberculosis (TB) is extremely common and complicates treatment, with drug-resistant TB also posing a threat. The high prevalence of HIV/AIDS continues to be a major public health crisis and a significant obstacle to Eswatini's development, requiring sustained political commitment, adequate domestic resource allocation (not just reliance on donors), and robust community engagement to address effectively. The social impact on families, communities, and the overall fabric of society has been profound, with deep-seated trauma and ongoing needs for comprehensive care, support, and attention to the social determinants of health.
12. Human Rights
The human rights situation in Eswatini is a matter of serious and ongoing concern, primarily due to the country's governance as an absolute monarchy under King Mswati III. This system inherently curtails fundamental political freedoms and civil liberties, creating an environment where dissent is suppressed and accountability for abuses is largely absent.
Key human rights issues include:
- Restrictions on Political Freedoms:** Political parties have been banned since 1973. Although the 2005 constitution ostensibly guarantees freedom of association, parties cannot register or participate in elections. This effectively disenfranchises a large segment of the population, prevents genuine democratic competition, and ensures the monarchy's continued dominance. Activists and members of pro-democracy movements face systematic harassment, intimidation, arbitrary arrest, detention, and prosecution under vaguely worded and repressively applied security laws like the Suppression of Terrorism Act (STA) and the Sedition and Subversive Activities Act. These laws are often used to target peaceful critics of the government and monarchy.
- Lack of Democratic Processes:** The Tinkhundla electoral system, where individuals are elected on a non-partisan basis, is widely criticized by local and international observers as failing to provide genuine representation or accountability. The King holds ultimate authority, appointing the prime minister, cabinet, judges, and a significant portion of parliament, rendering elected bodies largely subservient and unable to enact meaningful checks on royal power. Calls for a multi-party democratic system and a constitutional monarchy where the King's powers are significantly limited have been consistently and often brutally suppressed.
- Freedom of Expression, Assembly, and Association:** These fundamental rights are severely restricted. Media outlets are largely state-controlled or owned by entities linked to the monarchy, and self-censorship is pervasive due to fear of repercussions. Critical reporting often leads to harassment, job loss, or legal action. Peaceful assemblies and protests, particularly those calling for political reform, are frequently banned or met with excessive and lethal force by security forces, including the police and army. Trade union activities are also heavily constrained, with union leaders often targeted.
- Rule of Law and Judicial Independence:** While the constitution provides for an independent judiciary, its impartiality and independence are often questioned, especially in politically sensitive cases or those involving the interests of the King or his associates. The King's influence over judicial appointments and the broader legal system undermines the rule of law and creates a climate of impunity for those in power.
- Response to Dissent and Impunity:** The government's response to the 2021-2023 pro-democracy protests exemplified the harsh crackdown on dissent. Security forces were implicated in unlawful killings (dozens of deaths), arbitrary detentions, torture, and other ill-treatment of protesters, activists, and even bystanders. Internet shutdowns were used to suppress information and prevent organization. There has been little to no accountability for these abuses, perpetuating a cycle of impunity.
- Socio-Economic Rights:** Widespread poverty, extreme inequality, and limited access to essential services like quality healthcare, education, clean water, and adequate housing are critical human rights concerns. The lavish lifestyle of the monarchy and a small elite contrasts starkly with the daily struggles of ordinary citizens, fueling resentment and social unrest. Land tenure insecurity, particularly on Swazi Nation Land controlled by chiefs on behalf of the King, affects the livelihoods and housing rights of many rural Swazis, and can be used as a tool for control.
- Women's Rights:** While some legal progress has been made, women in Eswatini still face significant discrimination in law and practice, particularly concerning property rights, inheritance, and participation in traditional leadership structures. Customary law often overrides civil law protections for women. Gender-based violence, including domestic violence and sexual assault, is widespread and often goes unpunished due to inadequate legal frameworks and societal attitudes.
- LGBT Rights:** Homosexual acts between men are illegal in Eswatini under colonial-era common law, and LGBT individuals face significant social stigma, discrimination, and lack of legal protection. There is no recognition of same-sex relationships, and advocacy for LGBT rights is met with hostility from conservative elements and some government officials.
International human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, as well as some foreign governments and UN bodies, have repeatedly criticized Eswatini's human rights record and called for urgent and meaningful reforms. The government typically dismisses such criticism as interference in its internal affairs or as being based on misinformation, and has shown little willingness to engage in genuine dialogue or implement reforms that would challenge the monarch's power. The overall human rights situation reflects a system where power is concentrated, dissent is systematically suppressed, and the fundamental rights necessary for a democratic, just, and equitable society are not upheld.
13. Public Safety
The general state of public safety in Eswatini presents a mixed picture. While the country is often perceived by some as relatively peaceful compared to certain regional neighbors experiencing large-scale conflict, it experiences significant levels of crime, particularly petty crime and property offenses, which are often linked to high poverty and unemployment rates.
Common types of crime include:
- Petty Theft:** Pickpocketing, bag snatching, and theft from vehicles are common, especially in urban areas like Mbabane and Manzini, and in crowded places such as markets, bus stations, and tourist spots.
- Burglary and Robbery:** Residential burglaries and street robberies, sometimes armed, do occur and can be violent. Foreign residents and tourists can be targets due to perceived wealth, but locals are also frequently victimized.
- Carjacking and Vehicle Theft:** These are serious concerns, particularly for vehicles driven from or to South Africa, and can involve violence.
- Violent Crime:** While less common than property crime, incidents of assault, sexual assault, and murder are reported. The high rates of poverty, unemployment, inequality, and substance abuse are often cited as contributing factors to criminal activity. Gender-based violence is a particularly acute problem.
During periods of political unrest, such as the pro-democracy protests in 2021-2023, public safety can be significantly compromised. Roadblocks (both by protesters and security forces), clashes between protesters and security forces, a heavy and often intimidating security presence, and widespread human rights violations by state agents can create dangerous situations for civilians, disrupting daily life and instilling fear. The response of security forces to protests has often involved excessive, indiscriminate, and lethal force, further impacting public safety and eroding trust in law enforcement.
Travel advisories from foreign governments often caution visitors about crime levels and advise them to take precautions, such as avoiding walking alone at night, securing valuables, being aware of their surroundings, and avoiding areas of protest or demonstration. Road safety is also a concern due to the condition of some roads (especially rural ones), sometimes aggressive or reckless driver behavior, inadequate street lighting, and the presence of livestock on roads, particularly in rural areas.
The Royal Eswatini Police Service is responsible for maintaining law and order. However, the police force itself has faced persistent and credible accusations of corruption, brutality, excessive use of force, and a lack of accountability, particularly in its handling of protests and treatment of criminal suspects. These issues can undermine public trust and effective crime prevention, and contribute to a climate of impunity for offenses committed by state agents. The socio-economic challenges, including high unemployment and poverty, contribute to an environment where crime can be a means of survival or an expression of desperation for some individuals.
14. Culture
Eswatini's culture is rich and deeply rooted in traditions that have been passed down through generations. The Swazi people have a strong sense of national identity, which is often closely linked to their monarchy and customary practices. Key cultural events, social structures, arts, and traditional lifestyles define the nation's unique heritage, though these are sometimes viewed critically in the context of the absolute monarchy and its impact on social equity and human rights.
14.1. Traditional Society and Lifestyle
The cornerstone of traditional Swazi social organization is the homestead (umuti). A typical traditional homestead consists of beehive-shaped huts made from grass and poles, arranged in a circular pattern. In a polygamous homestead, each wife typically has her own hut and yard, often surrounded by reed fences. Structures are designated for sleeping, cooking, and storage (including brewing traditional beer, tjwala). Larger homesteads may also have separate quarters for bachelors (lilawu) and guest accommodation.
Central to the homestead is the cattle byre (kraal; sibaya), a circular enclosure made of logs and branches. The cattle byre holds both practical and profound ritual significance. It serves as a repository of wealth (cattle being a traditional measure of status and used for lobola or bride price) and a sacred space for communicating with ancestors. Important family rituals are often conducted here. The headman (umnumzana) is the central figure in homestead affairs, often polygamous, and is responsible for the well-being of the family, advising his wives and guiding young boys in the expectations of manhood. Traditional structures, while culturally significant, can also reinforce patriarchal norms.
The sangoma (traditional diviner or healer) plays an important role in Swazi spiritual life and healthcare, particularly where Western medicine is inaccessible or distrusted. Sangomas are believed to be chosen by ancestral spirits (emadloti) and undergo rigorous training called kwetfwasa. They are consulted for various reasons, including diagnosing illnesses, determining the causes of misfortunes or death, and performing rituals. Their diagnostic methods often involve kubhula, a process of communicating with spirits, sometimes through trance, and kushaya ematsambo (bone throwing). The inyanga is another type of traditional healer, often specializing in herbal medicine.
Polygamy is legally recognized and practiced in Eswatini under customary law, including by the King, who traditionally takes multiple wives. This practice has been criticized by women's rights advocates for its potential to disadvantage women and contribute to gender inequality.
14.2. Major Festivals
Eswatini is renowned for its vibrant traditional ceremonies, which are central to its cultural identity and often involve the monarchy, reinforcing its power and legitimacy.
- Incwala (Kingship Ceremony): This is considered the most important national ritual, typically held in December/January (the timing is determined by ancestral astrology and lunar cycles). Often translated as a "first fruits ceremony," the King's tasting of the new harvest is only one aspect of this lengthy and complex pageant. More accurately, Incwala is a sacred kingship ceremony that aims to renew and strengthen the Swazi nation, the King, and the ancestral spirits, thereby legitimizing royal authority. It involves specific rituals performed by various groups, including the King, Queen Mother (Ndlovukati), royal family members, regiments (emabutfo), and specialized "water people" (bemanti) and "doctors" (tinyanga). Public participation occurs during certain phases, involving traditional songs and dances. The ceremony is rich in symbolism related to national unity, royal power, and ancestral veneration. It is a crime for anyone other than the reigning monarch to hold an Incwala.
- Umhlanga (Reed Dance): This is perhaps Eswatini's most internationally known cultural event, held annually in late August or early September. Tens of thousands of childless, unmarried girls and young women travel from across the kingdom to cut reeds, which are then presented to the Queen Mother to repair windbreaks around the royal residence. The ceremony culminates in several days of traditional singing and dancing at the Ludzidzini Royal Village, where the maidens, often bare-breasted and adorned in traditional attire, dance before the King and Queen Mother. The stated aims of the Umhlanga are to preserve girls' chastity, provide tribute labor for the Queen Mother, and encourage solidarity through collective work. The King sometimes chooses a new wife from among the participants, reinforcing the practice of polygamy and royal privilege. The Reed Dance is a development of the older umchwasho custom, where young girls were placed in age-regiments and observed a period of chastity. While celebrated by many as a cultural spectacle and a symbol of national pride, the Umhlanga has also faced criticism from a human rights perspective, particularly concerning its emphasis on virginity testing (which can be coercive and discriminatory), the practice of polygamy by the King, its role in reinforcing patriarchal norms, the potential for exploitation of young women, and its use as a tool to bolster the monarchy's image and power amidst calls for democratic reform.
14.3. Arts and Crafts

Eswatini is known for its high-quality handicrafts, which are an important part of the cultural economy and provide income for many artisans, particularly women in rural areas. These include:
- Carvings:** Wooden sculptures, masks, and utilitarian items.
- Pottery:** Traditional clay pots.
- Basketry:** Intricately woven baskets made from local grasses like lutindzi.
- Beadwork:** Colorful beadwork used in traditional attire (emahiya, sidvwaba) and jewelry, often with symbolic meanings.
- Textiles:** Including tie-dye fabrics and woven items.
- Glassblowing:** Notably, Ngwenya Glass, which creates unique items from recycled glass, an initiative that combines art with environmental consciousness.
- Stone carving:** Soapstone carvings are also popular.
Traditional Swazi music is characterized by call-and-response singing, polyphonic harmonies, drumming (using cowhide drums), and the use of instruments like the sitolotolo (mouth bow), makhoyane (musical bow), and various rattles and horns. Dance (umgubho, sibhaca) is integral to cultural expression, with specific dances performed at ceremonies and social gatherings by different age groups and regiments (emabutfo).
Contemporary literary and artistic activities are present but less prominent internationally, partly due to limited resources and a restrictive environment for free expression. Authors like Sarah Mkhonza and Patricia McFadden have gained recognition for their work, often addressing critical social and political issues, sometimes from exile due to the risks involved in such commentary within Eswatini.
14.4. Sports
Football (soccer) is the most popular sport in Eswatini. The country has a national football league, the Eswatini Premier League, and the Eswatini national football team (Sihlangu Semnikati) competes in regional and continental competitions, though without major international success. Lack of funding and infrastructure development are challenges.
Other sports practiced include athletics, boxing, cricket, netball, and rugby union. Eswatini participates in the Olympic Games (since 1972) and the Commonwealth Games, having won medals in boxing (Richard Mabuza, 1972 Olympics - though often cited as Commonwealth Games medal due to rarity) and marathon at the Commonwealth Games. The Somhlolo National Stadium in Lobamba is the largest multi-purpose sporting venue in the country, though it has faced issues with meeting international standards.
15. Tourism
Tourism is a developing sector in Eswatini, promoted for its cultural heritage, wildlife, and scenic landscapes. The Eswatini Tourism Authority (ETA), established in 2003, is the primary body responsible for marketing the country as a tourist destination.
Primary tourist attractions include:
- Cultural Experiences:** Visitors are drawn to Eswatini's traditional ceremonies like the Umhlanga (Reed Dance) and Incwala, though access to observe certain parts of Incwala may be restricted. Cultural villages (e.g., Mantenga Cultural Village) offer insights into traditional Swazi lifestyle, homesteads, music, dance, and crafts. However, the presentation of culture can sometimes be curated to project a specific image that downplays social and political issues.
- Wildlife and Nature Reserves:** Eswatini has several national parks and game reserves, such as Hlane Royal National Park (managed by Big Game Parks, linked to the King), Mlilwane Wildlife Sanctuary, Mkhaya Game Reserve, and Malolotja National Park. These parks offer opportunities for game viewing (including the "Big Five" in some areas, though populations can be managed through private initiatives), bird watching, hiking, and adventure activities like white-water rafting and caving. Conservation efforts exist, but can sometimes conflict with community land needs or be impacted by governance issues.
- Scenic Landscapes:** The country's diverse topography, from the mountainous Highveld (e.g., Malolotja, Sibebe Rock) to the rolling hills of the Middleveld and the plains of the Lowveld, offers picturesque views. Sites like Sibebe Rock (a large granite dome near Mbabane) and Phophonyane Falls are notable natural attractions.
- Arts and Crafts:** Tourists often purchase local handicrafts, supporting artisans. Craft markets and outlets (e.g., Swazi Candles, Ngwenya Glass) are found throughout the country.
The tourism industry developed significantly during South Africa's apartheid era, as Eswatini (then Swaziland) offered attractions like casinos and different social policies (e.g., regarding alcohol and entertainment) that drew visitors from its more restrictive neighbor. At that time, tourists came for television programs, sporting events, and gambling that were unavailable in South Africa. Tourist numbers rose from 89,015 in 1972 to 257,997 in 1989. After the end of apartheid in South Africa in 1994, this dynamic changed, as South Africa itself opened up and offered more attractions, and Eswatini had to reorient its tourism strategy to compete.
Eswatini is part of the Lubombo Route, a tourism initiative with South Africa and Mozambique, which aims to facilitate cross-border travel with a single visa, though its full potential has not always been realized. Challenges for the tourism sector include competition from neighboring countries with more developed infrastructure and larger marketing budgets, the need for further infrastructure development (roads, accommodation), service quality improvements, and significantly, the impact of the country's political situation and human rights record on its international image. Periods of political instability, such as the 2021-2023 protests and the government's violent response, can severely and negatively affect tourist arrivals and investor confidence. Nevertheless, the government views tourism as a key sector for economic growth and job creation, though benefits do not always trickle down equitably.
16. Mass Media
The mass media landscape in Eswatini is characterized by significant government and royal control, extremely limited freedom of the press, and an environment of pervasive self-censorship among journalists fearing repercussions. This severely restricts the flow of independent information and critical analysis.
- Newspapers:** There are a few daily and weekly newspapers. The two main daily newspapers are the Times of Eswatini (privately owned but generally considered cautious in its criticism of the government, often practicing self-censorship to avoid conflict with authorities) and the Eswatini Observer (effectively owned by Tibiyo Taka Ngwane, a royal trust, and thus consistently pro-monarchy and uncritical of the government). Independent journalism that robustly investigates or critiques the monarchy or government is extremely challenging and risky. Critical voices often face pressure, harassment, or legal threats.
- Broadcasting (Radio and Television):** The Eswatini Broadcasting and Information Services (EBIS) operates state-run radio stations, which primarily disseminate government perspectives. There are a few privately owned or community radio stations, but their reach, resources, and independence can be very limited, and they typically avoid sensitive political content. Eswatini TV (formerly Swazi TV) is the state-controlled television broadcaster, offering little independent news coverage. Access to satellite television (e.g., South African channels) provides alternative news sources for those who can afford it, but this is not accessible to the majority.
- Internet:** Internet access has been growing but is still not universally available or affordable, particularly in rural areas, creating a digital divide. Social media platforms (like Facebook, X/Twitter, WhatsApp) have become an important, albeit risky, avenue for citizens to express views, share information, and access alternative news, especially during periods of political unrest. However, the government has demonstrated its willingness to restrict internet access (including full shutdowns as seen during the 2021 pro-democracy protests) and monitor online activities to suppress dissent. The Computer Crime and Cybercrime Act has been criticized for potentially infringing on freedom of expression online.
Freedom of the press is constitutionally guaranteed but is not respected in practice. Journalists frequently face harassment, intimidation, arbitrary arrest, and assault for reporting on sensitive issues, particularly those critical of the King, the royal family, government policies, or corruption. The Sedition and Subversive Activities Act and the Suppression of Terrorism Act have been broadly interpreted and used to silence dissenting voices, including journalists, human rights defenders, and political activists. The lack of media diversity, independence, and protection for journalists severely restricts the public's access to a wide range of information and viewpoints, hindering informed public debate, democratic accountability, and the exposure of human rights abuses. International press freedom organizations consistently rank Eswatini very poorly in terms of media freedom, highlighting it as one of the most restrictive media environments in Southern Africa.