Naoki Inose | Today's AI Wiki

1. Overview

Naoki Inose in front of Ginza Mitsukoshi, June 2022

Naoki Inose (猪瀬直樹_{Inose Naoki}^Japanese, born November 20, 1946) is a prominent Japanese author and politician who has held significant public offices, including Deputy Governor of Tokyo and the 18th Governor of Tokyo. His career is marked by a unique blend of literary achievements as a journalist, historian, social critic, and biographer, alongside a dynamic and often controversial political trajectory.

Initially known for his investigative non-fiction works that critically examined Japanese bureaucracy and societal structures, Inose transitioned into politics, serving under Governor Shintaro Ishihara before succeeding him. As governor, he played a pivotal role in securing Tokyo's bid for the 2020 Summer Olympics. However, his tenure was cut short by a political funding scandal, leading to his resignation. He later re-entered national politics as a member of the House of Councillors. Throughout his public life, Inose has been a vocal proponent of administrative reform and decentralization, though his career has also been punctuated by various controversies, including allegations of impropriety and inappropriate public remarks, which have drawn scrutiny regarding his conduct and impact on public trust.

2. Early Life and Background

Naoki Inose's early life and educational experiences laid the foundation for his later career as both a critical author and a political figure.

2.1. Childhood and Education

Inose was born on November 20, 1946, in Iiyama Town, Shimominochi District, Nagano Prefecture, Japan, which is now part of Iiyama City. At the age of two and a half, his family moved to Nagano City. His parents were both elementary school teachers; his father was from Iiyama City and his mother from Matsumoto. They met and married in Suwa City before relocating to Iiyama. In May 1950, when Inose was three and a half years old, his father passed away suddenly from angina.

He attended elementary and junior high schools affiliated with Shinshu University in Nagano. In 1966, he enrolled at Shinshu University, graduating in 1970 from the Department of Economics within the Faculty of Humanities. During his university years, he was deeply involved in the New Left student movement, notably as a leader of the Zenkyōtō (All-Campus Joint Struggle Committees) at Shinshu University. He participated in major student protests of the era, including the 1967 Haneda incident and the 1969 10.21 International Anti-War Day protest and demonstrations to prevent Prime Minister Eisaku Satō's visit to the United States. Inose himself stated that the student movement of the late 1960s effectively concluded with the 1969 anti-Sato protests, distinguishing it from subsequent movements.

After graduating, he moved to Tokyo and married later that year. In 1972, he enrolled in the master's program in political science at Meiji University Graduate School of Political Science and Economics, where he studied under political philosopher Bunzo Hashikawa. His decision to study Japanese political thought and nationalism under Hashikawa, a nationalism researcher, came after he left the student movement, driven by a desire to re-examine modern Japan and nationalism from the perspective of "everyday continuity." He had two children, born in 1974 and 1978.

3. Career as Author and Journalist

Naoki Inose's career as an author, historian, and social critic significantly shaped his public image before and during his political career, earning him recognition for his incisive analysis of Japanese society and its institutions.

3.1. Major Works and Literary Career

Inose began his career as an author after working for a publishing company and undertaking various part-time jobs, including research for a railway workers' union history. In 1983, he published Shōwa 16-nen Natsu no Haisen (昭和16年夏の敗戦_{literally, "Defeated in War in the Summer of 1941"}^Japanese), which detailed the findings of the Total War Research Institute (総力戦研究所_{Sōryokusen Kenkyūjo}^Japanese). While the Institute was accused during the International Military Tribunal for the Far East of being part of Japan's militaristic machine, Inose contended it was a dispassionate think tank that concluded Japan could not win a total war against the United States due to material inferiority, predicting a prolonged conflict and Soviet intervention. The book argued that "there would be no way for Japan to win the war because of its clear material inferiority. The war would be drawn out. The Soviet Union would butt in, and Japan would be defeated. Therefore, going to war with the United States must absolutely be avoided."

His 1987 book, The Mikado's Portrait (帝の肖像_{Mikado no Shōzō}^Japanese), delved into the development of the image of the Emperor of Japan. This work earned him the 18th Ōya Sōichi Non-fiction Award and a special award from the Japanism Society. He also penned biographies of prominent literary figures such as Yukio Mishima (Persona, 1995), Osamu Dazai (Picaresque, 2000), and Kikuchi Kan (The Realm of Heart (心の王国_{Kokoro no Ōkoku}^Japanese, 2004)). In 2009, his 1993 book, The Century of Black Ships (黒船の世紀_{Kurofune no Seiki}^Japanese), was translated and published in English, followed by the English translation of his Mishima biography, Persona: A Biography of Yukio Mishima, in 2012.

4. Political Career

Inose's political career saw him rise through the ranks of Tokyo's governance, from Deputy Governor to Governor, before a scandal led to his resignation. He later re-entered national politics as a Senator.

4.1. Deputy Governor of Tokyo

On June 15, 2007, then-Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara announced Inose's appointment as Deputy Governor of Tokyo, stating, "our opinions might differ but I believe it is healthy for us to debate and discuss many of our differences." Initially, Inose faced friction with LDP lawmakers in the metropolitan assembly during his confirmation hearings. Shortly after, he overturned an LDP-sponsored urban redevelopment initiative, though Ishihara later urged Inose to cooperate with the LDP.

Inose leveraged his position as Deputy Governor to spearhead several significant reform initiatives, demonstrating a proactive approach to governance and crisis management.

4.1.1. Great East Japan Earthquake Response

During the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake, Inose played a critical role in the rescue of 446 people stranded in the Kesennuma Central Public Hall. The rescue was initiated by an email from a Mothers' Home director in Kesennuma to her son in the UK, saying "sea of fire, maybe doomed, hanging in there." Her son tweeted to Inose, who, upon judging the situation urgent, immediately summoned the Tokyo Fire Department's disaster prevention chief and ordered helicopter deployment, an extremely rare decision without a direct request from the local government. The rescue operation, which saved 446 individuals, was detailed in Inose's 2012 book, The Power to Decide (決断する力_{Ketsudan suru Chikara}^Japanese), and his 2015 documentary work, Rescue - 446 People Stranded in Kesennuma Public Hall on 3.11 (救出-3.11気仙沼公民館に取り残された446人_{Kyūshutsu - 3.11 Kesennuma Kōminkan ni Torinokosareta 446-nin}^Japanese).

4.1.2. Tokyo Natural Gas Power Plant Project

In May 2011, Inose inspected the Kawasaki Natural Gas Power Plant, highly praising its ability to be constructed on a relatively small site and its adoption of the "combined cycle method" for high-efficiency power generation. In August 2011, he launched the "Tokyo Natural Gas Power Plant Project Team (PT)" to develop a "Tokyo Model" for energy reform. This team, comprised of members from nine bureaus across the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, transcending traditional departmental divisions, aimed to identify construction sites, develop business schemes, and propose deregulation to the national government. The project sought to build power plants equivalent to one nuclear reactor, generating 1 million kilowatts. By September, five suitable sites were announced, narrowing to three locations (Kasai Water Reclamation Center, Sunamachi Water Reclamation Center, and the Outer Central Breakwater Reclamation Area) by May 2012. A report confirmed profitability through a combination of wholesale power supply to Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) and direct supply to new power retailers. Assessment procedures for these three sites began in June 2012.

4.1.3. Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) Reform

Following the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant disaster and TEPCO's subsequent financial difficulties, Inose advocated for fundamental reforms. When TEPCO announced a rate hike for large corporate customers in December 2011, Inose, representing Tokyo as a major customer, administrative body, and top shareholder, publicly demanded clear information disclosure on fuel cost increases and concrete rationalization measures. He asserted that TEPCO could save 10.00 B JPY annually by streamlining its affiliated companies. His intervention led TEPCO to announce mitigation measures for the rate hikes in March 2012. He further proposed a 30% reduction in arbitrary contracts with TEPCO's affiliated companies, which then-Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry, Yukio Edano, accepted, leading to an additional 500.00 B JPY in restructuring, increasing the total rationalization amount to 3.30 T JPY. In April 2012, Tokyo announced five shareholder proposals for TEPCO, including the recommendation of outside director Takao Kashitani, which TEPCO accepted.

4.1.4. Tokyo Subway Integration

In April 2010, Inose launched a project team to examine the integration of the Tokyo Metro and Toei Subway networks, a long-standing symbol of fragmented administration. He proposed a three-party consultation body involving the national government, Tokyo Metropolitan Government, and Tokyo Metro, which was agreed upon. This led to the establishment of the "Consultation Council on Tokyo Subway Integration" in August 2010. While full integration was not achieved, an agreement in February 2011 prevented the sale of Tokyo Metro shares without Tokyo's consent, increased transfer discounts, and expanded connecting stations. A notable outcome was the removal of the "wall of fools" at Kudanshita Station, which physically separated the Tokyo Metro Hanzomon Line and Toei Shinjuku Line platforms, a structure that had been a symbol of the operational separation. Inose countered criticisms that integration would burden Tokyo Metro with Toei Subway's debt by stating that Toei had become profitable and that the Tokyo subway system, unlike private railways, had a public character, having received 540.00 B JPY in subsidies for Eidan Subway (Tokyo Metro's predecessor) and 860.00 B JPY for Toei Subway from the national and Tokyo metropolitan governments since the 1970s.

4.1.5. Tokyo Water Supply Overseas Expansion

In April 2010, Inose established the "Overseas Business Research Group" to explore international expansion for the Tokyo Metropolitan Government Bureau of Waterworks. After consulting over 60 companies, the mission identified five target countries for dispatch: India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Maldives. In August, he visited Malaysia to promote Tokyo's advanced water systems to government officials.

4.1.6. "Power of Words" Project

To address declining literacy among young people, Inose launched the "Power of Words" Project Team in April 2010. He argued that Japanese people lacked "language skills" for logical thinking and debate. The project organized lectures for young staff by language experts and provided training to improve expressive skills for new employees. It also held a public event focused on "reading" and "words" in November, and Inose published a book, The Power of Words - Creating a Nation from a Writer's Perspective (言葉の力-「作家の視点で国をつくる」_{Kotoba no Chikara - Sakka no Shiten de Kuni o Tsukuru}^Japanese), in 2011.

4.1.7. Opposition to Senator's Dormitory Construction

Soon after becoming Deputy Governor, Inose proposed halting the construction of a House of Councillors dormitory on a green space adjacent to Shimizudani Park in Kioicho, Chiyoda Ward, Tokyo. This site, a former Kishū Tokugawa feudal lord's residence, contained a beautiful 1,500 tsubo (approximately 53 K ft² ^{(4.95 K m²)}) natural forest with trees over 100 years old. Inose criticized the plan for a luxurious 16-story, 184 ft ^{(56 m)} tall dormitory with 80 units, each 850 ft² ^{(79 m²)}, arguing for environmental preservation. This opposition later became a source of conflict with Shigeru Uchida, then-Secretary-General of the LDP Tokyo Federation.

4.1.8. Perinatal Medical System Project Team

In November 2008, in response to a series of rejections of seriously ill pregnant women by hospitals in Tokyo, Inose launched the "Perinatal Medical System Improvement Project Team (PT)." He emphasized the need to examine the issue from the patient's perspective rather than that of doctors or administrators. The PT conducted four site visits, including to Bokuto Hospital, and analyzed the profitability of NICU (Neonatal Intensive Care Unit) beds, finding that operating costs (around 40.00 M JPY) exceeded combined medical fees and subsidies (around 33.00 M JPY). In March 2009, Inose submitted an urgent request to then-Minister of Health, Labour and Welfare Yoichi Masuzoe for the promotion of NICU development, and in April, the PT compiled a report with 10 recommendations, including further promotion of semi-open systems.

4.1.9. Dispatch of Tokyo Staff to Yūbari City

Inose initiated the dispatch of Tokyo Metropolitan Government staff to Yūbari City, which had declared financial bankruptcy, starting in January 2008. He believed it was essential for Tokyo staff to experience the realities of fiscal collapse firsthand and for Tokyo, as a "capital government," to share its expertise with other local governments. Two staff members were initially dispatched for two years. Additionally, short-term dispatches, dubbed "Timely Training," were organized; six staff members assisted with cleaning and organizing school supplies in October, and ten more were sent in January 2009 as a "snow removal team" to clear snow from welfare facilities. Notably, Naomichi Suzuki, who later became the mayor of Yūbari and then Governor of Hokkaido, was one of the initially dispatched Tokyo staff.

4.1.10. Measures for Declining Birthrate and Aging Society

In June 2009, Inose formed the "New Housing PT for an Aging Society with Declining Birthrates" to address the growing elderly population and the shortage of elderly care facilities and barrier-free housing in Tokyo. He chaired this cross-departmental team, emphasizing that the Tokyo Metropolitan Government should act with the resolve of the Cabinet Office to overcome "vertical administration" and integrate housing policies handled by the Urban Development Bureau with welfare policies managed by the Health and Welfare Bureau. The care-attached housing concepts introduced by this PT later influenced national policy.

4.2. Governor of Tokyo

Naoki Inose with U.S. Under Secretary of State Tara Sonenshine at Yoyogi Park, 2012

Upon Shintaro Ishihara's resignation in 2012, Inose was designated as interim successor. His tenure as Governor of Tokyo was characterized by ambitious policy initiatives and a successful Olympic bid, but it ultimately ended in scandal and resignation.

4.2.1. Election and Tenure

Inose ran in the 2012 Tokyo gubernatorial election on December 16, 2012, and was elected Governor of Tokyo with a historic landslide victory, securing 4,338,936 votes, the largest number of votes for an individual in Tokyo's electoral history. This made him the third consecutive Tokyo Governor to be a writer, following Yukio Aoshima and Shintaro Ishihara, and the first governor born after World War II. He officially assumed office on December 18, 2012.

4.2.2. Key Policies and Initiatives

As governor, Inose pursued several key policy objectives. His platform included the reform of TEPCO and the merger of Tokyo Metro with the Tokyo Metropolitan Bureau of Transportation subway network. While he made minimal progress on these specific merger plans after his election, his earlier efforts as Deputy Governor had already laid groundwork for subway integration and TEPCO reforms, including securing agreements on transfer discounts and preventing the unapproved sale of Tokyo Metro shares. He continued to champion policies related to energy reform, public transportation integration, water infrastructure development, and urban planning.

4.2.3. Role in the 2020 Olympic Bid

Inose served as the Chairman of Tokyo's successful bid for the 2020 Summer Olympics. He attended the 2012 Summer Olympics in London to launch Tokyo's campaign for the Games, actively engaging in public diplomacy to promote the city. Japan ultimately won its bid for the Olympics under Inose's leadership. During the Olympic bid activities in July 2013, his wife, Yuriko, passed away at the age of 65 due to illness.

4.2.4. Money Scandal and Resignation

In November 2013, Inose became embroiled in a political funding scandal concerning a cash payment he received from the Tokushukai hospital group, led by Torao Tokuda. Inose claimed he borrowed 50.00 M JPY as a personal, interest-free, and collateral-free loan from Tokushukai in November 2012, receiving the cash in exchange for a written IOU. He stated he repaid the loan in cash in September 2013 and kept the funds in a safe deposit box rather than a bank account, thus not reporting them to Japanese campaign finance authorities as part of his assets.

The Tokyo Metropolitan Government Assembly conducted four days of public questioning in December, during which Inose's accounts of the events changed. The Assembly then established a special committee to investigate him, a first for a Tokyo governor. Major Japanese newspapers, including the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun, called for his resignation. A Sankei Shimbun poll on December 16 found that 89% of Tokyo respondents found Inose's explanation incredible, and 63% felt he was no longer a suitable representative for Tokyo as an Olympic host city.

The Tokushukai medical group also operated hospitals and care facilities in Tokyo, and it was revealed that the Tokyo Metropolitan Government had provided subsidies, including about 750.00 M JPY for a nursing home and up to 960.00 M JPY for a 150-bed facility, raising suspicions of quid pro quo. Although media initially reported this as a bribery case, the judicial system later ruled it as a violation of the Public Offices Election Act for failing to report the funds in his election campaign expense report. He was fined 500.00 K JPY, which he paid immediately, resulting in a five-year suspension of his civil rights.

The controversy peaked when Inose was asked by the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly to demonstrate how he carried the 50.00 M JPY in cash. He presented a bag, into which assembly members attempted to fit foam blocks representing the amount. The bag's zipper could not close, leading to widespread public mockery and ridicule, with some likening it to "bag comedy." Inose later clarified in his memoir that he had folded the paper bag containing the cash to fit it into his briefcase, whereas the foam blocks could not be folded. He described the assembly's questioning as a "people's trial" and a "show trial" aimed at personal attacks rather than truth-finding. He also asserted that the scandal was an act of "revenge" by then-LDP Tokyo Federation Secretary-General Shigeru Uchida, whom he had angered by canceling the construction of the House of Councillors dormitory.

On December 19, 2013, Inose announced his resignation, following pressure from senior political figures, including former Governor Ishihara and Prime Minister Shinzō Abe. In his resignation speech, he characterized himself as an "amateur" in politics and expressed hope for a "real political pro" to guide Tokyo through the Olympics. His resignation became effective on December 24, 2013, making his tenure the shortest in Tokyo's history at only 372 days. He expressed a desire to return to writing. His interim successor was Vice Governor Tatsumi Ando, and Yōichi Masuzoe won the February 2014 election to become the next governor. Masuzoe also resigned in June 2016 due to a money scandal.

In his 2014 memoir, Sayōnara to Itte Nakatta (さようならと言ってなかった_{I Didn't Say Goodbye}^Japanese), Inose reiterated his position, stating that he had received no requests from or provided any favors to Torao Tokuda or Takeshi Tokuda. He claimed that investigations confirmed no contact between him and Tokushukai after receiving the cash, and that as an "amateur" in politics, he lacked the "sensibility" that one needed to provide favors to those from whom money was borrowed, only the "awareness that what is borrowed must be returned." He conceded that he "should not have borrowed this 50 million yen that invited such misunderstanding." He attributed the scandal to political revenge by Shigeru Uchida, whom he called a "cancer of Tokyo," after Inose cancelled the construction of the House of Councillors dormitory.

On March 28, 2014, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office summarily indicted Inose for violating the Public Offices Election Act. Prosecutors determined the 50.00 M JPY was a loan, as there was no evidence it was used for election expenses, and steps for repayment began in February 2013, with actual repayment in September 2013. The Tokyo Summary Court issued a summary order for a fine of 500.00 K JPY. Inose paid the fine immediately, resulting in a five-year suspension of his civil rights as per the Political Funds Control Act. This concluded the investigation into Inose.

4.3. Senator

In 2022, Naoki Inose re-entered national politics. He ran as a candidate for the Nippon Ishin no Kai (Japan Innovation Party) in the proportional representation segment of the 2022 House of Councillors election. He was successfully elected on July 10, 2022, securing 44,212 votes and becoming a member of the House of Councillors. He currently serves as the Secretary-General of the Nippon Ishin no Kai House of Councillors caucus.

5. Stances and Ideology

Naoki Inose is known for his distinctive views on Japanese society, governance, and historical issues.

He famously described post-war Japan as a "Disneyland Nation," arguing that Japanese society had long allowed for the "unforeseen" by entrusting its defense to the United States. This arrangement, which left US military bases across the country and limited Tokyo's airspace, led to a "semi-sovereign state" where Japanese people pretended not to notice this reality. Inose contended that the post-war era, lasting 66 years, was a historically peculiar "Disneyland Nation" protected by the US, where Japanese people believed in its eternal nature. He viewed the shift from "post-war" to "post-disaster" (following the Fukushima accident) as a turning point, demanding a society that "anticipates" risks rather than dismissing them as "unforeseen." He criticized Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) as a symbol of post-war society, noting its reliance on "unforeseen" as an excuse during the Fukushima disaster.

Inose is a well-known smoker. He has strongly criticized anti-smoking movements as "hysterical anti-smoking fascism" and argued that smokers contribute to tax revenue, asking, "What's wrong with that?" He believes that strict bans on smoking can lead to societal stress and that issues like diesel vehicle emissions are more problematic than tobacco smoke. He has advocated for designated smoking areas (partial smoking) rather than blanket bans, especially for small businesses and restaurants, citing tobacco tax revenue (approximately 2.00 T JPY nationally) as a stable financial source. He once controversially smoked an IQOS (heated tobacco product) in a non-smoking meeting room during a TV program, claiming it only produced water vapor. When challenged, he asserted that in his lectures, his podium was a smoking area even if student seating was not, telling students they did not have to attend if they disagreed.

He has also been a vocal opponent of the prolonged recommendation for mask-wearing, particularly after the COVID-19 pandemic subsided, calling Japanese mask use the "Reiwa topknot" or "face pants." He questioned the efficacy of masks in preventing infection and criticized the "advisory board" of experts for their "haughty tone" regarding mask mandates for events like graduation ceremonies. He stated that the public should not be dictated to in such a manner and that the experts should reflect on the responsibility for inflating the COVID-related budget to 95.00 T JPY. In his 2023 book, Taiyō no Otoko Shintarō Ishihara-den (太陽の男石原慎太郎伝_{The Man of the Sun: A Biography of Shintaro Ishihara}^Japanese), he attributed Japan's stagnation to the conformity pressure that led to widespread mask usage.

6. Personal Life

Naoki Inose was born in 1946. He is a dedicated runner, jogging daily, and completed the Tokyo Marathon in 6 hours and 40 minutes in 2012. He also holds a black belt in judo.

His first wife, Yuriko Inose, whom he married in 1970, passed away in 2013 at the age of 65 due to illness, during his term as Governor and the Tokyo Olympic bid campaign. In October 2016, his relationship with actress and artist Yuki Ninagawa became public. They announced their engagement in April 2018 and remarried in late December 2018.

7. Controversies and Scandals

Naoki Inose's public career has been marked by several significant controversies and scandals, leading to scrutiny of his conduct and its impact on public trust.

7.1. Tokushukai Funding Scandal

In November 2013, media reports revealed that in November 2012, before the Tokyo gubernatorial election, Inose had approached Torao Tokuda, founder of the Tokushukai medical group, through Tokuda's son, then-House of Representatives member Takeshi Tokuda. Inose reportedly requested 100.00 M JPY for his gubernatorial campaign, stating he would return any unused funds. Torao Tokuda allegedly instructed Takeshi Tokuda to provide 50.00 M JPY in cash at a Diet members' office to avoid traceability. This 50.00 M JPY was not declared in Inose's election campaign expense report, his asset report as governor, or his political funds report.

Inose consistently maintained that the funds were a personal loan, not a political donation, and that he had provided an IOU and later repaid the amount in cash. He stated he accepted the offer as it would have been impolite to refuse Tokushukai's "goodwill," and that the 50.00 M JPY was not used for his campaign. The simplicity of the IOU, a single A4 sheet without official stamps or witnesses, led to media speculation that it was fabricated after the fact. Inose later explained that the original paper bag containing the cash was folded to fit into his brief case, unlike the rigid foam blocks used for demonstration in the assembly. He also claimed that the IOU was genuinely returned to him by mail, but he did not keep the envelope, which could have proved the date of its return.

The Tokushukai group had active business interests requiring Tokyo's permits and subsidies, including a nursing home that received 750.00 M JPY in subsidies and a facility in Nishi-Tokyo City for which Tokyo granted a 150-bed license, potentially involving up to 960.00 M JPY in construction subsidies. This raised suspicions of bribery. Citizen groups filed complaints, alleging violations of the Public Offices Election Act and Political Funds Control Act if the funds were deemed political.

The Tokyo Metropolitan Government Assembly conducted intense questioning of Inose in December 2013. Inose's changing explanations and the "bag demonstration" incident during a General Affairs Committee session were widely ridiculed. Facing mounting pressure from the media, public, and political figures, including former Governor Ishihara and Prime Minister Abe, Inose announced his resignation on December 19, 2013, which became effective on December 24.

On March 28, 2014, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office summarily indicted Inose for violating the Public Offices Election Act. Prosecutors determined the 50.00 M JPY was a loan, as there was no evidence it was used for election expenses, and steps for repayment began in February 2013, with actual repayment in September 2013. The Tokyo Summary Court issued a summary order for a fine of 500.00 K JPY. Inose paid the fine immediately, resulting in a five-year suspension of his civil rights as per the Political Funds Control Act. This concluded the investigation into Inose.

7.2. Inappropriate Remarks during Olympic Bid

In April 2013, during Tokyo's bid for the 2020 Summer Olympics, Inose caused controversy with comments widely seen as critical of the Muslim world and rival bid city Istanbul. In an interview, he stated: "Well, compare the two countries where they have yet to build infrastructure, very sophisticated facilities. So from time to time, like Brazil, I think it's good to have a venue for the first time. But Islamic countries, the only thing they share in common is Allah and they are fighting with each other and they have classes."

Criticizing rival bids is prohibited under International Olympic Committee (IOC) rules. Tokyo 2020 promptly issued a statement affirming respect for all candidate cities. A few days later, Inose apologized for his comments, acknowledging them as "inappropriate" and pledging full commitment to IOC rules. On May 9, 2013, he visited the Embassy of Turkey in Japan and met with Ambassador Serdar Kılıç to personally apologize for causing discomfort.

7.3. Defamation Lawsuit

In October 2012, during his time as Deputy Governor, Inose tweeted about his past manga work, Last News, asserting that an "idiotic scriptwriter" for Nippon Television had "emasculated it into a cheap news drama." This was presumed to refer to the 2000 drama Straight News and its scriptwriter, Kazuhiko Ban. Feeling unfairly accused of "plagiarism," Ban filed a lawsuit against Inose on March 28, 2013, seeking 5.50 M JPY in damages and a public apology via tweet. The lawsuit was settled on March 26, 2014, with Inose agreeing to pay Ban 1.00 M JPY in damages and publish an apology on Twitter.

7.4. Allegations of Harassment and Parliamentary Misconduct

Inose has faced accusations of inappropriate behavior both in public and during parliamentary sessions.

On June 12, 2022, during a street speech at Kichijōji Station for the 26th House of Councillors election, a video circulated on social media showing Inose repeatedly touching the shoulder and upper chest (over a sash) of Yūki Ebizawa, a female candidate running in the Tokyo constituency. The video sparked widespread criticism on social media, with many calling it sexual harassment. On June 17, Inose tweeted an apology, stating he was "thoughtless" and would "rectify his understanding and act carefully." However, in a separate post on the same day, he claimed it was "cherry-picked reporting" and that some individuals were "intentionally spreading it," blocking users who criticized him. Nippon Ishin no Kai leader Ichirō Matsui defended Inose, suggesting it was a friendly gesture among teammates. Ebizawa herself stated in a blog post that Inose did not intentionally touch her chest and that she did not feel uncomfortable.

On September 6, Inose filed a lawsuit against Professor Mari Miura of Sophia University and the Asahi Shimbun, seeking 11.00 M JPY in damages for defamation, after Miura commented that the video "was undoubtedly sexual harassment," and the newspaper published her comment. In his complaint, Inose denied any sexual harassment, stating that touching a politician's shoulder during a public speech in front of many people was inconceivable, and that his action was a sign of affection, similar to how he touched another male politician's shoulder. He argued that he never touched her chest and that any contact was incidental from tapping her sash.

On December 15, 2023, the Tokyo District Court dismissed Inose's lawsuit, ruling that it was "true that Inose intentionally touched the woman's chest" and that the article's premise was substantially true. The court stated that regardless of whether the woman felt uncomfortable, the act constituted sexual harassment. On October 9, 2024, the Tokyo High Court upheld the lower court's decision, affirming that Inose intentionally touched the woman's chest, which constitutes sexual harassment regardless of the woman's feelings, and that the media reports were within the bounds of fair commentary.

In April 2023, during a House of Councillors Constitutional Review Council session, Inose was observed chewing gum while his colleague was speaking. On April 14, the House of Councillors Steering Committee Chairman, Junichi Ishii, cautioned all factions to maintain a sense of solemnity. The Nippon Ishin no Kai reported that Inose had been severely reprimanded. Inose's office explained that he was unaware that chewing gum was prohibited, only that eating and drinking were. In June 2023, during a House of Councillors Local Digital Committee session, Inose was seen yawning widely and his mobile phone rang loudly while a Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) member was speaking, despite mobile phone use being prohibited in committee rooms. He apologized with a "Sorry, sorry."

8. Publications

Naoki Inose has an extensive bibliography of published works, including non-fiction books, biographies, and essays.

8.1. English translated works

The Century of Black Ships: Chronicles of War between Japan and America (2009, VIZ Media LLC)
Persona: A Biography of Yukio Mishima (2013, Stone Bridge Press)

8.2. Japanese-language works

Shōwa 16-nen Natsu no Haisen (昭和16年夏の敗戦) (1983, Sekai Bunkasha)
Shisha-tachi no Lockheed Jiken (死者たちのロッキード事件) (1983, Bungeishunjū)
Nippon Bonjin Den (日本凡人伝) (1985, Shinchōsha)
Asatte no Jō (あさってのジョー) (1985, Shinchōsha)
Mikado no Shōzō (帝の肖像) (1986, Shōgakkan)
Tennō no Kagebōshi (天皇の影法師) (1987, Shinchōsha)
Shi o Mitsumeru Shigoto (死を見つめる仕事) (1987, Shinchōsha)
Nidome no Shigoto - Nippon Bonjin Den (二度目の仕事-日本凡人伝) (1988, Shinchōsha)
Tochi no Shinwa (土地の神話) (1988, Shōgakkan)
Tokyo, Nagai Yume (東京、ながい夢) (1989, Kawade Shobō Shinsha)
News no Bōken (ニューズの冒険) (1989, Bungeishunjū)
Ima o Tsukamu Shigoto (今をつかむ仕事) (1989, Shinchōsha)
Furusato o Tsukutta Otoko (ふるさとを創った男) (1990, Nippon Hōsō Shuppan Kyōkai)
Yokubō no Media (欲望のメディア) (1990, Shōgakkan)
Mikado to Seikimatsu-Ōken no Ronri (ミカドと世紀末-王権の論理) (1990, Shinchōsha)
Mikado no Kuni no Kigōron (カドの国の記号論) (1991, Shōgakkan)
News no Kōkogaku (ニュースの考古学) (1992, Bungeishunjū)
Meiro no Tatsujin-Inose Naoki Essay Zenshūsei (迷路の達人-猪瀬直樹エッセイ全集成) (1993, Bungeishunjū)
Kinki no Ryōiki (禁忌の領域) (1993, Bungeishunjū)
Tokyo Requiem (東京レクイエム) (1995, Kawade Shobō Shinsha)
Persona-Mishima Yukio Den (ペルソナ-三島由紀夫伝) (1995, Bungeishunjū)
Nippon o Yomitoku! (ニッポンを読み解く! ) (1996, Shōgakkan)
Hinshi no Journalism (瀕死のジャーナリズム) (1996, Bungeishunjū)
Nipponkoku no Kenkyū (日本国の研究) (1997, Bungeishunjū)
Boku no Seishun Roman (僕の青春放浪) (1998, Bungeishunjū)
Magazine Seishunfu (マガジン青春譜) (1998, Shōgakkan)
Zoku Nipponkoku no Kenkyū (続・日本国の研究) (1999, Bungeishunjū)
Asu mo Yūyake (明日も夕焼け) (2000, Asahi Shinbunsha)
Twenty Century - Japan's War (二十世紀-日本の戦争) (2000, Bungeishunjū)
Picaresque-Dazai Osamu Den (ピカレスク-太宰治伝) (2000, Shōgakkan)
Koshobun no Kakikata (小論文の書き方) (2001, Bungeishunjū)
Last Chance (ラストチャンス) (2001, Kobunsha)
Nippon System no Shinwa (日本システムの神話) (2002, Kadokawa Shoten)
Nippon Fukkatsu no Scenario-Ronkyaku 20-nin no Ketsuron (日本復活のシナリオ-論客20人の結論) (2002, PHP Kenkyūjo)
Dōro no Kenryoku (道路の権力) (2003, Bungeishunjū)
Kokoro no Ōkoku (こころの王国) (2004, Bungeishunjū)
Kessen: Yūsei Min'eika (決戦・郵政民営化) (2005, PHP Kenkyūjo)
Zero Seichō no Fukokuron (ゼロ成長の富国論) (2005, Bungeishunjū)
Dōro no Ketchaku (道路の決着) (2006, Shōgakkan)
Sakka no Tanjō (作家の誕生) (2007, Asahi Shinbunsha)
Kūki to Sensō (空気と戦争) (2007, Bungeishunjū)
Ninomiya Kinjirō wa Naze Maki o Seotte Iru no ka?-Jinkō Messhō Shakai no Seichō Senryaku (二宮金次郎はなぜ薪を背負っているのか?-人口減少社会の成長戦略) (2007, Bungeishunjū)
Kokoro no Ōkoku-Kikuchi Kan to Bungeishunjū no Tanjō (こころの王国-菊池寛と文藝春秋の誕生) (2008, Bungeishunjū)
Kuni o Kaeru Chikara-Nippon Saisei o Saguru 10-nin no Teigen (国を変える力-ニッポン再生を探る10人の提言) (2008, Daiyamondosha)
Kasumigaseki "Kaitai" Sensō (霞が関「解体」戦争) (2008, Sōshisha)
Nippon no Mirai o Tsukuru-Chihō Bunken no Grand Design (日本の未来をつくる-地方分権のグランドデザイン) (2009, Bungeishunjū)
Jimmy no Tanjōbi: America ga Tennō Akihito ni Kizanda "Shi no Angō" (ジミーの誕生日アメリカが天皇明仁に刻んだ「死の暗号」) (2009, Bungeishunjū)
Tokyo no Fukuchiji ni Natte Mitara (東京の副知事になってみたら) (2010, Shōgakkan)
Kowareyuku Kuni (壊れゆく国) (2010, Nikkei BP Sha)
Inose Naoki no Shigotoriki (猪瀬直樹の仕事力) (2011, Ushio Shuppansha)
Chikatetsu wa Dare no Mono ka (地下鉄は誰のものか) (2011, Chūkō Shinsho)
Toppa suru Chikara (突破する力) (2011, Seishun Shinsho Intelligence)
Kotoba no Chikara - "Sakka no Shiten" de Kuni o Tsukuru (言葉の力「作家の視点」で国をつくる) (2011, Chūkō Shinsho Laclasse)
Ketsudan suru Chikara (決断する力) (2012, PHP Business Shinsho)
Ka決する力 (解決する力) (2012, PHP Business Shinsho)
Sayōnara to Itte Nakatta Waga Ai Waga Tsumi (さようならと言ってなかったわが愛わが罪) (2014, Magazine House)
Kyūshutsu: 3・11 Kesennuma Kōminkan ni Torinokosareta 446-nin (救出: 3・11気仙沼公民館に取り残された446人) (2015, Kawade Shobō Shinsha)
Minei (民警) (2016, Fuso-sha)
Tokyo no Teki (東京の敵) (2017, Kadokawa Shinsho)
Nipponkoku・Fuan no Kenkyū "Iryō・Kaigo Sangyō" no Tabū ni Kirikomu! (日本国・不安の研究「医療・介護産業」のタブーに斬りこむ！) (2020, PHP Kenkyūjo)
Kō Nippon Koku・Ishikettei no Management o Tou (公日本国・意思決定のマネジメントを問う) (2020, NewsPicks)
Carbon Neutral Revolution (カーボンニュートラル革命) (2021, Business-sha)
Taiyō no Otoko Shintarō Ishihara-den (太陽の男石原慎太郎伝) (2023, Chūōkōron Shinsha)

9. Assessment and Impact

Naoki Inose's legacy is complex, defined by his intellectual contributions as an author and his often turbulent political career. As a writer, he established himself as a keen observer and critic of Japanese society, particularly its bureaucracy and hidden power structures. His works, such as The Mikado's Portrait and Nipponkoku no Kenkyū, not only garnered literary awards but also influenced public discourse and provided intellectual groundwork for administrative reforms, notably the privatization of public corporations. His ability to articulate complex issues in an accessible manner solidified his reputation as a public intellectual.

His entry into politics, first as Deputy Governor and then Governor of Tokyo, marked a significant shift from social critic to direct participant in governance. He brought a reformist zeal, tackling issues from TEPCO's management to subway integration and disaster response, where he demonstrated decisive leadership. His successful chairmanship of Tokyo's bid for the 2020 Summer Olympics stands as a major achievement of his gubernatorial term, showcasing his diplomatic efforts on the international stage.

However, Inose's political career was ultimately overshadowed by controversies. The Tokushukai funding scandal led to his swift resignation, eroding public trust and raising questions about transparency and accountability in politics. While he maintained the funds were a loan and not a bribe, and was legally penalized for campaign finance violations rather than corruption, the incident highlighted the ethical pitfalls that can derail even highly popular figures. Other incidents, such as his controversial Olympic bid remarks and the sexual harassment allegations which were later upheld by the courts, further stained his public image. These events, combined with instances of parliamentary misconduct, cast a critical light on his judgment and professional conduct.

Despite the criticisms and scandals, Inose's consistent advocacy for administrative reform, decentralization, and his critique of Japan as a "Disneyland Nation" continued to resonate within conservative and reformist circles. His return to the House of Councillors in 2022 signaled his enduring desire to remain active in the political arena. Ultimately, Inose's impact lies in his ability to provoke thought and challenge the status quo through his writing, while his political tenure serves as a cautionary tale of the scrutiny and accountability demanded of high-profile public servants in Japan.