Northern Cyprus

2.1. Pre-1974: Independence of Cyprus and Intercommunal Conflict

A united Cyprus gained independence from British rule in August 1960. The new republic was established based on a power-sharing agreement between the Greek Cypriot majority and the Turkish Cypriot minority. Both communities had previously abandoned their respective aspirations for Ένωσις_{Enosis (union with Greece)}^{Greek, Modern} and taksim_{taksim (partition of the island into Turkish and Greek portions)}^Turkish. The constitution apportioned cabinet posts, parliamentary seats, and civil service jobs on an agreed ratio (70:30 in most cases) between the two communities, with the Greek Cypriots represented by a President and the Turkish Cypriots by a Vice-President, each with veto powers over crucial legislation. Fazıl Küçük became the first Turkish Cypriot Vice-President.

However, within three years, significant tensions and disagreements arose in administrative affairs. Disputes particularly centered on the implementation of separate municipalities for Greek and Turkish Cypriots and issues related to taxation, leading to governmental deadlock. In November 1963, President Makarios III proposed 13 amendments to the constitution, arguing they were necessary to overcome these deadlocks and allow for more efficient governance. Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots rejected these proposals, viewing them as an attempt to undermine the bicommunal nature of the state, marginalize the Turkish Cypriot community by removing their constitutional safeguards, and consolidate Greek Cypriot control over the government. Turkish Cypriots challenged the legality of the 13 amendments in the Supreme Constitutional Court of Cyprus (SCCC). Makarios stated he would not comply with the SCCC's decision, regardless of its outcome.

On 25 April 1963, the SCCC ruled Makarios's 13 amendments illegal, finding that he had violated the constitution. The President of the SCCC resigned in May due to Makarios's stance, and the SCCC ceased to exist. The Supreme Court of Cyprus (SCC) was subsequently formed by merging the SCCC and the High Court of Cyprus. On 30 November, Makarios proceeded to legalize the 13 proposals. In 1963, elements within the Greek Cypriot wing of the government reportedly formulated the Akritas plan, which outlined a strategy to remove Turkish Cypriots from the government and ultimately achieve union with Greece, suggesting that any Turkish Cypriot objections should be "violently subjugated before foreign powers could intervene."

Intercommunal violence erupted in December 1963, an event often referred to as Bloody Christmas by Turkish Cypriots. The immediate trigger was an incident on 21 December 1963 in Nicosia, where a Greek Cypriot police patrol stopped two Turkish Cypriots, leading to an altercation in which two Turkish Cypriots were killed. This sparked widespread paramilitary attacks by Greek Cypriot groups against Turkish Cypriots in Nicosia and Larnaca. Nikos Sampson, a nationalist figure, led Greek Cypriot irregulars into the mixed suburb of Omorphita (Küçük Kaymaklı_{Küçük Kaymaklı}^Turkish) attacking its Turkish Cypriot population. While the Turkish Resistance Organisation (TMT), a Turkish Cypriot paramilitary group established in 1959 to promote taksim, retaliated, historical accounts suggest that Turkish Cypriots were the main victims during these initial months. Reports indicated that 700 Turkish hostages, including women and children, were taken from the northern suburbs of Nicosia. By the end of 1964, official records stated that 364 Turkish Cypriots and 174 Greek Cypriots had been killed.

The violence led to the withdrawal of Turkish Cypriot members from the government, resulting in an administration effectively controlled by Greek Cypriots. This administration was recognized as the legitimate government of the Republic of Cyprus by the international community, including at the United Nations in February 1964. A United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) was deployed in March 1964 to help restore order. A UN report by Secretary-General U Thant in September 1964 documented significant property destruction, noting that in 109 villages (mostly Turkish Cypriot or mixed), 527 houses were destroyed and 2,000 others damaged by looting. Approximately 20,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced and sought refuge in armed enclaves, where they lived for the next 11 years, often in difficult conditions and reliant on aid from Turkey. This period saw the further consolidation of separate administrations and deepened the division between the two communities. Many Turkish Cypriots emigrated to Britain, Australia, and Turkey during this time. On 28 December 1967, the Turkish Cypriot Provisional Administration was founded.

2.2. 1974 Cyprus Division and Turkish Intervention

Tensions escalated in the early 1970s. On 6 July 1974, President Makarios III accused the Greek military junta, then ruling Greece, of undermining his government and turning the Cypriot National Guard into an "army of occupation." On 15 July 1974, the Greek military junta in Athens and the Cypriot National Guard orchestrated a coup d'état in Cyprus. The coup aimed to overthrow President Makarios and achieve Enosis (union with Greece). Makarios fled the island, and Nikos Sampson, a pro-Enosis nationalist figure, was installed as the new president. The coup leaders proclaimed the establishment of the "Hellenic Republic of Cyprus."

Turkey, citing its rights and obligations under the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee to protect the Turkish Cypriot community and the independence and constitutional order of Cyprus, launched a military intervention on 20 July 1974. The Turkish forces landed on the northern coast and, in a two-phase operation, took control of approximately 36-37% of the island's territory, predominantly in the north. The intervention led to widespread conflict and displacement. The Greek Cypriot coup collapsed within days, democracy was restored in Greece, and Makarios eventually returned to Cyprus.

The events of 1974 resulted in a massive displacement of populations. An estimated 160,000-200,000 Greek Cypriots fled or were expelled from the Turkish-controlled northern areas to the south. Concurrently, around 40,000-60,000 Turkish Cypriots moved from the south to the north, some fleeing intercommunal violence or fearing reprisals, and others as part of organized population movements. The island was effectively partitioned, with a UN-patrolled buffer zone, often called the "Green Line," separating the two areas. The division cut through the capital, Nicosia, making it a divided city.

On 2 August 1975, under the auspices of the United Nations, an agreement for a voluntary population exchange was reached in Vienna between the Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktaş and the Greek Cypriot leader Glafcos Clerides. This agreement formalized the demographic separation of the island. Most of the remaining Greek Cypriots in the north and Turkish Cypriots in the south moved to the areas controlled by their respective communities. However, a small number of Greek Cypriots (mainly in the Karpass Peninsula villages of Rizokarpaso, Agios Andronikos, and Agia Triada) and Maronites (in villages like Asomatos, Karpasia, and Kormakitis) chose to remain in the north, becoming enclaved communities. The conflict also left approximately 1,500 Greek Cypriots and 500 Turkish Cypriots missing; the fate of many remains unresolved, constituting a significant humanitarian issue.

Following the military intervention, the Turkish Cypriot community established the Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration in August 1974. In February 1975, this was transformed into the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus (Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti_{Kıbrıs Türk Federe Devleti}^Turkish). This entity was declared not as an independent state but as a federated component of a future Cypriot federal republic, a proposal that was rejected by the Republic of Cyprus and the international community.

2.3. Post-1983: Declaration of TRNC and Subsequent Developments

After years of unsuccessful negotiations for a federal solution, the Turkish Cypriot leadership, under Rauf Denktaş, unilaterally declared the independence of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on 15 November 1983. This declaration was immediately condemned by the international community. The United Nations Security Council, in Resolution 541 (1983) and subsequently in Resolution 550 (1984), declared the TRNC's declaration of independence legally invalid, called for its withdrawal, and urged all states not to recognize any Cypriot state other than the Republic of Cyprus. To date, only Turkey has recognized the TRNC. Pakistan and Bangladesh initially offered recognition but withdrew it under international pressure.

The division of Cyprus and the status of the TRNC have remained central to the island's politics. Numerous rounds of UN-sponsored negotiations aimed at reunification have taken place over the decades, but a comprehensive settlement has proven elusive. A significant attempt was the Annan Plan, a UN proposal for a bizonal, bicommunal federation. In simultaneous referendums held in April 2004, the plan was accepted by 65% of Turkish Cypriot voters but rejected by 76% of Greek Cypriot voters. Consequently, a divided Cyprus joined the European Union on 1 May 2004, with the EU acquis communautaire (body of EU law) suspended in Northern Cyprus, the area not under the effective control of the Republic of Cyprus government.

The outcome of the Annan Plan referendum had significant political repercussions. Rauf Denktaş, a staunch advocate for Turkish Cypriot sovereignty, resigned as TRNC President in 2005. Mehmet Ali Talat, who supported the Annan Plan, succeeded him. Despite initial optimism and pledges from the EU to ease the isolation of Northern Cyprus, progress stalled. The perceived failure of the international community to deliver on promises, coupled with the ongoing embargo, led to frustration among Turkish Cypriots. This contributed to a shift in the political landscape, with Derviş Eroğlu, of the pro-independence National Unity Party (UBP), winning the presidential election in 2010. Subsequent leaders, including Mustafa Akıncı (elected in 2015, generally seen as more pro-solution) and Ersin Tatar (elected in 2020, representing the UBP and favoring a two-state solution), have continued to navigate the complexities of negotiations and the TRNC's relationship with Turkey and the international community. In 2011, Turkish Cypriots held demonstrations protesting economic austerity measures influenced by Turkey. The election of Ersin Tatar in October 2020 signaled a hardening of the Turkish Cypriot position towards a two-state solution, further complicating reunification efforts.

3.1. Topography and Coastline

The geography of Northern Cyprus is characterized by a diversity of landscapes. The most prominent topographical feature is the narrow and rugged Kyrenia Range (Beşparmak Dağları_{Beşparmak Mountains}^Turkish, meaning "Five Finger Mountains"), which runs parallel to the northern coastline for about 99 mile ^{(160 km)}. The highest peak in Northern Cyprus, Mount Selvili (also known as Kyparissovouno), is located in this range, reaching an altitude of 3.3 K ft ^{(1.02 K m)}. This range is primarily composed of limestone.

South of the Kyrenia Range lies the expansive Mesaoria Plain, the island's agricultural heartland. This plain stretches from Morphou Bay in the west to Famagusta Bay in the east. It consists of flat fields and small hills, and is crossed by several seasonal streams and rivers, most of which dry up in the summer. The eastern part of the Mesaoria Plain is used for dry agriculture, such as the cultivation of wheat and barley.

The Karpass Peninsula (Karpaz Yarımadası_{Karpaz Peninsula}^Turkish), often referred to as the "panhandle," is a long, narrow strip of land extending into the northeastern Mediterranean. It is characterized by its rugged coastline, sandy beaches, and relatively unspoiled natural environment. Cape Apostolos Andreas is its easternmost tip.

The coastline of Northern Cyprus features two major bays: Morphou Bay to the west and Famagusta Bay to the east. Other notable capes include Cape Kormakitis (Koruçam Burnu_{Koruçam Burnu}^Turkish) at the northwestern edge of Morphou Bay, Cape Zeytin, and Cape Kasa. The coastline varies from rocky cliffs to long sandy beaches, some of which are important nesting sites for sea turtles.

3.2. Climate

Northern Cyprus experiences a Mediterranean climate, characterized by long, hot, dry summers and short, cool, somewhat rainy winters. Seasonal variations are distinct.

Summers, typically from mid-May to mid-September, are hot and generally rainless. Temperatures can reach highs of 86 °F ^{(30 °C)} to 104 °F ^{(40 °C)}, especially in inland areas like the Mesaoria Plain, which is cut off from sea breezes and can experience temperature peaks of 104 °F ^{(40 °C)} to 113 °F ^{(45 °C)}. Coastal areas benefit from moderating sea breezes. Humidity is generally low during the day but can rise at night. The "Poyraz," a north-westerly wind, or the Sirocco, a dry and dusty wind from Africa, can occasionally affect the weather.

Winters, from November to mid-March, are mild and characterized by rainfall, particularly between December and February, which account for about 60% of the annual precipitation. These rains fill winter torrents and rivers. Snowfall is rare but can occur on the higher peaks of the Kyrenia Range. Night temperatures can be low.

Spring (mid-March to mid-May) and autumn (mid-September to November) are short seasons with generally pleasant weather. Spring is characterized by unstable weather, occasional heavy storms, and the "meltem" (a westerly wind). Autumn is generally sunny.

Water temperatures along the coast range from about 60.8 °F ^{(16 °C)} in winter to 82.4 °F ^{(28 °C)} in summer, which helps stabilize coastal weather conditions. The Southern Range (located in the Republic of Cyprus) blocks some rain-bearing air currents from the southwest, affecting rainfall patterns on its eastern side, including parts of the Mesaoria plain extending into Northern Cyprus.

3.3. Biodiversity

Northern Cyprus, as part of a Mediterranean Basin biodiversity hotspot, possesses considerable ecological diversity with a variety of terrestrial habitats. Its relative lack of industrialization and lower population density in some areas have contributed to the preservation of natural environments.

The flora includes around 1,900 plant species, of which approximately 19 are considered endemic to Northern Cyprus, and many others endemic to the island of Cyprus as a whole. Urban areas also show diversity; a study on the banks of the Pedieos (Kanlıdere_Kanlıdere^Turkish) around North Nicosia found over 750 plant species. Among these are about 30 of the orchid species endemic to Cyprus. The Medoş tulip (Tulipa cypria), endemic to Northern Cyprus, is found only in the villages of Tepebaşı/Diorios and Avtepe/Ayios Symeon and is celebrated with an annual festival. Another notable plant is the sea daffodil, found on sandy beaches; it is an endangered species due to habitat disruption.

The fauna of Northern Cyprus includes a variety of mammals, reptiles, amphibians, and numerous bird species, many of which are migratory, using Cyprus as a stopover point. The Karpass Peninsula is particularly important for biodiversity. It hosts a significant population of around 1,000 wild Cyprus donkeys, which are protected by the Turkish Cypriot authorities and roam freely over an area of about 116 mile^{2 (300 km2)}. The peninsula is also home to rich fauna and relatively large forests.

The beaches of Northern Cyprus are crucial nesting sites for endangered loggerhead turtle (Caretta caretta) and green turtle (Chelonia mydas). Hundreds of these turtles lay their eggs on these beaches, and conservation projects are active in monitoring and protecting these nesting sites, particularly during the hatching season at the end of summer.

Environmental protection efforts include the establishment of national parks and protected areas. However, challenges such as uncontrolled development, habitat fragmentation, and water scarcity pose threats to biodiversity. Conservation initiatives often involve local NGOs and international collaboration, focusing on sustainable tourism and habitat preservation.

4.1. Political System and Governance

Northern Cyprus is a semi-presidential representative democratic republic. Executive power is shared between the President and the Government (Council of Ministers) led by the Prime Minister. Legislative power is vested in the unicameral Assembly of the Republic (Cumhuriyet Meclisi_{Cumhuriyet Meclisi}^Turkish). The judiciary is independent of both the executive and the legislature.

The President is the head of state and is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The President appoints the Prime Minister, usually the leader of the party or coalition that can command a majority in the Assembly. The President also has the power to return legislation to the Assembly for reconsideration and can call referendums. Ersin Tatar is the current President, elected in October 2020.

The Prime Minister is the head of government and, along with the Council of Ministers, is responsible to the Assembly of the Republic. The current Prime Minister is Ünal Üstel, who assumed office in May 2022.

The Assembly of the Republic has 50 members, elected for a five-year term by proportional representation from six multi-member electoral districts. These districts are Lefkoşa, Gazimağusa, Girne, Güzelyurt, İskele, and Lefke. Elections are typically characterized by a multi-party system. Following the January 2022 legislative election, the National Unity Party (UBP) emerged as the largest party, and the government is currently formed by a coalition led by the UBP.

The Judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court, which also functions as the Constitutional Court, the High Administrative Court, and the Court of Cassation.

Due to Northern Cyprus's international isolation and heavy reliance on Turkey for economic, political, and military support, Turkey exercises significant influence over its politics. This has led some international observers and experts to characterize Northern Cyprus as an effective puppet state of Turkey. However, other experts point to the existence of independent electoral processes, appointments, and occasional disputes between the Turkish Cypriot and Turkish governments as evidence that such a label may not be entirely accurate, highlighting a degree of internal political autonomy and distinct Turkish Cypriot identity. Nevertheless, the close relationship and dependency on Turkey remain fundamental aspects of Northern Cyprus's political reality.

4.2. Administrative Divisions

Northern Cyprus is divided into six main administrative districts (ilçe_ilçe^Turkish):
1. Lefkoşa District (Nicosia District) - This is the central district and includes the northern part of the divided capital city, North Nicosia (Lefkoşa_Lefkoşa^Turkish).
2. Gazimağusa District (Famagusta District) - Located on the east coast, its main city is Famagusta (Gazimağusa_Gazimağusa^Turkish).
3. Girne District (Kyrenia District) - Situated along the northern coast, its administrative center is Kyrenia (Girne_Girne^Turkish).
4. Güzelyurt District (Morphou District) - Located in the west, centered around the town of Morphou (Güzelyurt_Güzelyurt^Turkish).
5. İskele District (Trikomo District) - This district covers a significant portion of the Karpass Peninsula and its main town is Trikomo (İskele_İskele^Turkish).
6. Lefke District - Established in 2016 by separation from the Güzelyurt District, it is located in the far west, with Lefka (Lefke_Lefke^Turkish) as its main town.

These six districts are further subdivided into a total of twelve sub-districts. There are also twenty-eight municipalities (belediye_belediye^Turkish) which form the basis of local government.

5.1. International Recognition and Stance of the International Community

The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) is recognized as a sovereign state only by the Republic of Turkey. The rest of the international community, including all other United Nations member states and international organizations like the European Union, does not recognize the TRNC as an independent state. Instead, they consider the territory administered by the TRNC as part of the Republic of Cyprus which is under Turkish military occupation.

The United Nations Security Council, through several resolutions (notably Resolution 541 in 1983 and Resolution 550 in 1984), declared the TRNC's unilateral declaration of independence "legally invalid" and called upon all states not to recognize it and to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity, and unity of the Republic of Cyprus. This non-recognition has significant legal and diplomatic consequences, including limitations on international trade, travel, and participation in international agreements and organizations. Pakistan and Bangladesh initially indicated recognition but later withdrew it due to international pressure and the UN resolutions.

Despite its non-recognition, some countries maintain informal or low-level contacts with Northern Cyprus, often through representative offices that do not have formal diplomatic status. For example, countries like the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany have offices or engage in dialogue with Turkish Cypriot authorities, primarily concerning consular matters or in support of reunification efforts.

5.2. Relations with Turkey

The relationship between Northern Cyprus and Turkey is exceptionally deep and multifaceted, characterized by extensive political, economic, financial, and military support from Turkey. Turkey is the TRNC's primary political and diplomatic backer, its main trading partner, and the source of significant financial aid, which helps sustain the TRNC's economy and public administration. Ankara directly finances a substantial portion of the TRNC's budget.

Turkey maintains a significant military presence in Northern Cyprus, which it states is for the protection of the Turkish Cypriot community and to guarantee the TRNC's security. This military presence is a key point of contention in the Cyprus dispute.

The close ties and dependency have led to discussions about the extent of Northern Cyprus's autonomy. While the TRNC has its own democratic institutions, Turkey's influence is pervasive across many sectors. Economic agreements, infrastructure projects (such as the Northern Cyprus Water Supply Project piping water from Turkey), and political coordination are common. The implications of this dependence for Northern Cyprus's self-governance and its position in any future settlement negotiations are significant and often debated both within Northern Cyprus and internationally.

5.3. Relations with the Republic of Cyprus

Relations between Northern Cyprus and the Republic of Cyprus are defined by the ongoing dispute and the de facto division of the island. There are no formal diplomatic relations. The primary interface is the United Nations Buffer Zone in Cyprus (the "Green Line"), monitored by the United Nations Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), which separates the two territories.

Several checkpoints along the Green Line were opened in 2003, allowing for movement of people and some goods between the two sides. This has led to increased contact and limited economic interaction, though significant restrictions and complexities remain.

Numerous rounds of UN-led negotiations have aimed to achieve a comprehensive settlement to reunify the island, typically based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation. These talks have involved leaders from both communities but have so far failed to produce a lasting agreement. Key unresolved issues include governance and power-sharing, property rights of displaced persons, territorial adjustments, and security arrangements, particularly the role of guarantor powers (Greece, Turkey, UK) and the presence of Turkish troops. The human impact of the division remains profound, with issues of missing persons, property loss, and the psychological effects of a protracted conflict affecting generations on both sides.

5.4. Participation in International Organizations

Due to its lack of international recognition, Northern Cyprus's participation in international organizations is severely limited. It cannot become a member of the United Nations or most other major international bodies as a sovereign state.

However, it has achieved a form of observer status or representation in some organizations, often under specific designations:

• Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC): Northern Cyprus has been an observer state since 1979, initially as the "Turkish Cypriot Muslim Community." In 2004, its status was upgraded, and it participates under the name "Turkish Cypriot State."
• Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO): Northern Cyprus became an observer member in October 2012, also under the name "Turkish Cypriot State."
• Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE): Since 2004, representatives of the "Turkish Cypriot Community" have been granted observer status in PACE, allowing them to participate in activities without voting rights.
• Organization of Turkic States: In November 2022, the TRNC was admitted as an observer member under its own name.

These forms of limited engagement provide Northern Cyprus with platforms for international contact but do not imply formal diplomatic recognition by the member states of these organizations (other than Turkey). The Republic of Cyprus often objects to such participation.

On 21 September 2011, Turkey and Northern Cyprus signed an agreement in New York concerning the delineation of their Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) in the Mediterranean Sea, a move contested by the Republic of Cyprus.

6.1. Security Forces Command

The Security Forces Command (Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı_{Güvenlik Kuvvetleri Komutanlığı}^Turkish, GKK) functions as the de facto military of Northern Cyprus. It consists of an estimated 8,000 to 15,000 personnel, primarily made up of conscripted Turkish Cypriot males between the ages of 18 and 40. Conscription is mandatory for male citizens. There is also a reserve force, estimated to be around 10,000 first-line and 16,000 second-line troops.

The GKK is lightly armed and heavily dependent on Turkey for equipment, training, and much of its officer corps. It is typically led by a Brigadier General seconded from the Turkish Army. Its primary roles include border protection (particularly along the Green Line), internal security, and disaster relief. It essentially functions as a gendarmerie force and includes land, air, and coast guard elements, as well as police and firefighting units integrated into its command structure.

6.2. Turkish Military Presence

The Turkish Armed Forces maintain a substantial contingent in Northern Cyprus, officially designated as the Cyprus Turkish Peace Force (Kıbrıs Türk Barış Kuvvetleri_{Kıbrıs Türk Barış Kuvvetleri}^Turkish, KTBK). Estimates of troop numbers vary, typically ranging from 30,000 to 40,000 personnel. This force is drawn primarily from the Turkish Army's 9th Corps and includes formations such as the 28th and 39th Mechanized Infantry Divisions. It is equipped with main battle tanks (such as US-made M48 Patton tanks), artillery, and other modern weaponry. The Turkish Air Force, Turkish Navy, and Turkish Coast Guard also have a presence and operate facilities in Northern Cyprus.

The stated purpose of the Turkish military presence, according to Turkey and the TRNC government, is to ensure the security of the Turkish Cypriot population and to deter any potential aggression. However, the Republic of Cyprus, the European Union, and the wider international community, including the United Nations, regard this presence as an illegal occupation force. Numerous United Nations Security Council resolutions since 1974 have called for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Cyprus, implicitly including the Turkish forces. The continued presence of Turkish troops is one of the most contentious issues in the Cyprus dispute and a major obstacle to reunification efforts.

7.1. Overview of Human Rights Record

Reports from organizations such as Freedom House have classified Northern Cyprus as "free" in terms of political rights and civil liberties in some years, though its scores often reflect the limitations imposed by its unique status. For instance, in its Freedom in the World 2016 report, Northern Cyprus received scores indicating a relatively open environment for political rights (2/7) and civil liberties (2/7, where 1 is most free and 7 is least free). Reporters Without Borders' World Press Freedom Index has ranked Northern Cyprus, indicating varying degrees of press freedom; for example, it was ranked 76th out of 180 countries in 2015.

Democratic processes, including multi-party elections for president and parliament, are generally considered to be conducted fairly. However, concerns have been raised regarding freedom of expression, particularly in relation to criticism of Turkey or the Turkish military presence. The judiciary is constitutionally independent, but the overall human rights framework is affected by the lack of international recognition and the influence of Turkey.

The ongoing division of Cyprus impacts human rights across the island, as noted by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. These impacts include restrictions on freedom of movement, issues pertaining to missing persons from the conflicts, discrimination, the right to life, freedom of religion, and economic, social, and cultural rights. The World Happiness Report 2016 ranked Northern Cyprus 62nd among 157 countries, and the Gallup Healthways Well-Being Index of 2014 ranked it 49th out of 145 countries. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Northern Cyprus received 153 asylum applications between 2011 and 2014.

7.2. Rights of Minorities and Displaced Persons

A significant human rights concern revolves around the rights of minorities and displaced persons.
The Greek Cypriot and Maronite communities remaining in Northern Cyprus (numbering approximately 343 and 118 respectively as of 2014, though figures vary) face challenges. They are generally denied the right to vote in TRNC presidential, parliamentary, and municipal elections, or to run for office in these elections. Maronites traditionally elect the leader (mukhtar) of their village, while Greek Cypriots have had appointed leaders. Access to education in their own language and preservation of cultural heritage have also been areas of concern.

The rights and status of Turkish settlers (people who moved from Turkey to Northern Cyprus after 1974 and their descendants) are complex. While they form a significant part of the population and participate in political life, their presence is viewed by the Republic of Cyprus and the international community as part of an effort to alter the demographic character of the island, which raises legal and human rights questions under international law. From a human rights perspective, all residents, regardless of their origin, are entitled to fundamental rights and protections.

Property rights are a major and highly contentious issue. The 1974 division led to the displacement of hundreds of thousands of Cypriots (both Greek and Turkish) from their homes and properties. Greek Cypriots who owned property in the north and Turkish Cypriots who owned property in the south were largely unable to access or reclaim them. The European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has dealt with numerous cases concerning property rights in Northern Cyprus, often finding Turkey responsible for violations due to its effective control over the area. The Immovable Property Commission (IPC), established in Northern Cyprus with the ECHR's endorsement, aims to provide remedies for property claims by Greek Cypriots, but its effectiveness and fairness have been subjects of debate.

The issue of missing persons from the 1963-64 and 1974 conflicts remains a source of anguish for families on both sides. The Committee on Missing Persons in Cyprus (CMP), a bicommunal body operating under UN auspices, works to locate, identify, and return the remains of missing individuals to their families.

8.1. Economic Structure and Performance

The economy of Northern Cyprus is predominantly service-based, with the services sector accounting for approximately 69% of GDP in 2007. This includes public administration, trade, tourism, and significantly, higher education. Industry, mainly light manufacturing, contributes around 22% of GDP, while agriculture makes up about 9%. The economy operates on a free market approach.

A major characteristic of the economy is its heavy dependence on financial and economic support from Turkey. Ankara provides substantial direct budgetary support, finances infrastructure projects, and is the primary trading partner. Northern Cyprus uses the Turkish lira (TRY) as its official currency, which links its economy directly to Turkey's economic conditions, including inflation and currency fluctuations. The euro is also widely circulated, especially after the Republic of Cyprus joined the Eurozone and cross-border movement increased.

International embargoes and the non-recognition of the TRNC severely constrain its economic development. The Republic of Cyprus has declared ports and airports in Northern Cyprus closed to international traffic (except from Turkey). This means that direct international trade and transport links (other than with Turkey) are largely non-existent. Exports and imports must generally transit through Turkey. While the EU made pledges to ease the economic isolation of Turkish Cypriots following the 2004 Annan Plan referendum, these measures have been largely blocked by the Republic of Cyprus.

Despite these constraints, the economy experienced periods of growth, particularly in the 2000s, buoyed by the relative stability of the Turkish Lira at times, and significant booms in the education and construction sectors. Gross national product (GNP) per capita more than tripled in the 2000s, rising from around 4.41 K USD in 2002 to 16.16 K USD in 2007 (current U.S. dollars). Nominal GDP growth rates were notably high in the early to mid-2000s (e.g., 11.4% in 2003, 15.4% in 2004). Growth continued in the 2010s, albeit at more modest rates (e.g., real growth rates of 3.7% in 2010, 1.1% in 2013). The unemployment rate saw a decline in the 2010s, recorded at 8.3% in 2014. The economy became the top country in Europe in entrepreneurial intent to start a new business in 2014, according to some surveys.

However, challenges remain, including high public debt, reliance on external aid, and the structural limitations imposed by the political situation. These factors affect employment opportunities and overall living standards.

8.2. Tourism

Tourism is a cornerstone of the Northern Cyprus economy. The region attracts visitors with its beaches, historical sites, natural beauty, and casinos. In 2012, Northern Cyprus received over 1.1 million tourists, with hotels and restaurants generating an income of 328.00 M USD, constituting 8.5% of the GDP. The sector created over 10,000 jobs in that year. By 2013, tourism income was estimated at around 700.00 M USD, with total bed capacity around 20,000.

Kyrenia (Girne_Girne^Turkish) is considered the tourism capital, with numerous hotels, entertainment facilities, a vibrant nightlife, and shopping areas. In 2012, 62.7% of visitors stayed in the Girne District. The tourism sector saw significant development in the 2000s and 2010s, with increased investment and hotel construction.

Key attractions include ancient castles (such as St. Hilarion Castle, Buffavento Castle, and Kantara Castle), historical cities like Famagusta (with its Venetian walls and Othello Castle) and Kyrenia (with its harbor and castle), and the relatively unspoiled Karpass Peninsula. Eco-tourism has also developed, with activities like bird watching, cycling, hiking, and observing wildflowers. The Karpass Peninsula is notable for its well-preserved nature and hosts the Bafra tourism area with large hotels, as well as offering rural tourism experiences.

Casino tourism is a significant segment, particularly attracting visitors from Turkey (where casinos are banned) and other nearby countries. This has led to substantial investment in casino resorts. However, the socio-economic impact of this sector has been debated, with some criticism regarding its benefits for smaller businesses. "Nightclubs," which in some cases are fronts for prostitution, also attract a form of sex tourism, raising social and human rights concerns, particularly regarding the vulnerability of sex workers.

The development of tourism is affected by the political situation, as direct flights to Northern Cyprus are only available from Turkey. Tourists from other countries typically have to fly via Turkey.

8.3. Infrastructure

The transport and communications sector's share in the GDP has varied, for instance, decreasing from 12.1% in 2008 to 8.5% in 2011, then rising to 9.3% in 2012.

Transportation:

• Airports**: Northern Cyprus has two main airports: Ercan International Airport (Ercan Uluslararası Havalimanı_{Ercan Uluslararası Havalimanı}^Turkish) near Nicosia, and Geçitkale Airport (Geçitkale Havaalanı_{Geçitkale Havaalanı}^Turkish). Ercan is the primary civilian airport and serves as the main port of entry by air. It has undergone renovations to increase passenger capacity (1.76 million passengers in the first seven months of 2014). Due to the international embargo, direct flights to Ercan are only available from Turkey. Flights from other countries must make a stopover in Turkey. Geçitkale is primarily used by the Turkish military but can serve as an alternative.
• Seaports**: The main seaports are in Famagusta (Gazimağusa_Gazimağusa^Turkish) and Kyrenia (Girne_Girne^Turkish). These ports handle cargo and passenger ferry services, predominantly with Turkey. Similar to airports, these ports are declared closed to international shipping by the Republic of Cyprus, with exceptions for vessels arriving from Turkey.
• Road Network**: There is no railway system in Northern Cyprus. The road network, approximately 4.3 K mile ^{(7.00 K km)} in length (two-thirds paved), is the primary mode of land transport. Major highways connecting cities have been upgraded to dual carriageways in the 21st century. A Northern Coast Highway was constructed to improve connectivity and aid economic development.

Telecommunications:
International telephone calls to Northern Cyprus are routed via the Turkish dialing code (+90 392), as it does not have its own internationally recognized country code or ITU prefix. Similarly, for internet services, Northern Cyprus uses the Turkish second-level domain .nc.tr. Mail must be addressed 'via Mersin 10, TURKEY' as the Universal Postal Union does not recognize Northern Cyprus as a separate postal entity.

Energy:
Electricity is primarily generated from thermal power plants. The electricity grid of Northern Cyprus is interconnected with that of the Republic of Cyprus, allowing for power exchange, notably when Northern Cyprus supplied electricity to the south in 2011 after an explosion damaged a major power station there. There have been discussions and plans for an interconnector with Turkey to enhance energy security and potentially reduce reliance on fossil fuels.

Water Supply:
The Northern Cyprus Water Supply Project (KKTC Su Temin Projesi_{KKTC Su Temin Projesi}^Turkish), completed in 2015, is a major infrastructure project. It involves a pipeline under the Mediterranean Sea that transports fresh water from the Anamur River in southern Turkey to Northern Cyprus for drinking and irrigation purposes, addressing the region's chronic water scarcity issues.

9.1. Population and Ethnicity

The population of Northern Cyprus has been a subject of political contention and varying estimates.

• The first official census conducted by TRNC authorities in 1996 recorded a population of 200,587.
• The second census in 2006 reported a population of 265,100. Of the 178,000 TRNC citizens at that time, 82% (145,000) were identified as native Turkish Cypriots (including those whose families were refugees from the south). About 45,000 citizens were of non-Cypriot parentage, with nearly 40% (17,000) of these born in Cyprus. The number of non-citizens (students, guest workers, temporary residents) was 78,000.
• The third official TRNC census in 2011, conducted with UN observers, returned a total population of 294,906. These results were disputed by some local political parties and media, who alleged undercounting, citing earlier government estimates of up to 700,000 that were allegedly used to request financial aid from Turkey. Some external sources have estimated the population to be as high as 500,000, suggesting a roughly even split between Turkish Cypriots and settlers from Turkey or their Cypriot-born children. However, other researchers have described such high figures as speculative and not statistically scrutinized.

The government of the Republic of Cyprus estimated in 2001 that the population of Northern Cyprus was around 200,000, comprising 80,000-89,000 Turkish Cypriots and 109,000-117,000 individuals designated as Turkish settlers. The 1960 island-wide census (pre-division) indicated 102,000 Turkish Cypriots and 450,000 Greek Cypriots.

The primary ethnic groups are:

• Turkish Cypriots: Indigenous inhabitants of Turkish ethnicity, including descendants of Ottoman Turks who settled from the 16th century onwards, and those displaced from the south after 1974.
• Settlers from Turkey (Türkiyeli yerleşimciler_{Türkiyeli yerleşimciler}^Turkish): Individuals who migrated from mainland Turkey to Northern Cyprus after 1974, and their descendants. The degree of integration of this group into the Turkish Cypriot community varies. Their presence and citizenship status are contentious aspects of the Cyprus problem.
• Minority Communities: A small number of Greek Cypriots (approximately 343 as of 2014, mainly in Rizokarpaso/Dipkarpaz) and Maronites (around 118 as of 2014, mainly in Kormakitis) continue to live as enclaved communities in the north. Approximately 162,000 Greek Cypriots were displaced from the north in 1974.

A table representing ethnic groups based on the 2006 TRNC census (for TRNC citizens) showed:

The largest urban centers include:

9.2. Languages

The official language of Northern Cyprus is Turkish. The local dialect is Cypriot Turkish, which shares many features with standard Turkish but also has distinct characteristics and influences from Greek and English.
English is widely spoken as a second language, particularly in business, tourism, and education. Its prevalence is partly a legacy of British colonial rule and its importance as an international language.
A small number of elderly Turkish Cypriots may also speak or understand Greek. The enclaved Greek Cypriot and Maronite communities continue to use their respective languages.

9.3. Religion

The vast majority of the population in Northern Cyprus, approximately 99% of Turkish Cypriots, are Sunni Muslims. Religion generally plays a moderate role in society, and Northern Cyprus is constitutionally a secular state. Public displays of religiosity are less common than in some other Muslim-majority regions, and adherence to religious practices varies among individuals. For example, alcohol consumption is common, and most Turkish Cypriot women do not wear headscarves, although some do, either for personal conviction or as a cultural expression. However, religious traditions, such as male circumcision, are widely observed.

There are also small Christian minorities, primarily consisting of the enclaved Greek Orthodox Cypriots and Maronite Catholics, as well as a small number of Anglican and other Protestant expatriates. Baháʼí communities also exist. Historic churches and monasteries are found throughout Northern Cyprus, some of which are still used for worship by these communities, while others are preserved as historical sites or have been converted into mosques.

9.4. Education

The education system in Northern Cyprus encompasses pre-school, primary, secondary, and higher education. Five years of primary education are compulsory. The system largely follows the Turkish model.

Higher education is a significant and growing sector of the economy, attracting a large number of international students, primarily from Turkey, but also from various African, Middle Eastern, and Asian countries. In 2013, there were reportedly 63,765 university students from 114 countries in nine universities. By 2014, this number increased to 70,004 (15,210 Turkish Cypriots; 36,148 from Turkey; 18,646 international students). The revenues from the education sector in 2011 were stated to be $400 million.

Key universities include:

• Eastern Mediterranean University (EMU) in Famagusta
• Near East University (NEU) in Nicosia
• Girne American University (GAU) in Kyrenia
• Middle East Technical University - Northern Cyprus Campus (METU-NCC) in Güzelyurt
• Cyprus International University (CIU) in Nicosia
• European University of Lefke (EUL) in Lefke
• Istanbul Technical University - TRNC Campus
• University of Mediterranean Karpasia
• University of Kyrenia

These universities offer a wide range of programs, mostly taught in English. The Higher Education Planning, Evaluation, Accreditation and Coordination Council (YÖDAK) of Northern Cyprus is responsible for overseeing higher education and is a member of the International Network for Quality Assurance Agencies in Higher Education (INQAAHE). Several universities, like EMU and NEU, are full members of the European University Association. EMU has also been ranked among the top universities in regional and some international rankings. Girne American University opened a campus in Canterbury, UK, in 2009.

Northern Cyprus teams have participated in international academic competitions such as RoboCup (taking 14th place out of 20 in 2013) and have contributed to international research projects, including CERN experiments.

10.1. Music and Dance

Turkish Cypriot folk music features a variety of local tunes, influenced to some extent by mainland Turkish music. Historically, it developed around wedding traditions, which were primary social gatherings. Instruments like the violin, goblet drum (locally known as "darbuka"), zurna (a wind instrument), and other drums were commonly used. Many traditional songs are based on this legacy.

Folk dances are diverse and show various influences, including different versions of karsilamas, çiftetelli, and zeybek. These dances are often performed at festivals and cultural events.

Classical music is also appreciated. The Northern Cyprus State Symphony Orchestra has been active since 1975. The historic Bellapais Abbey in Kyrenia hosts international classical music festivals and is an important venue for such performances. North Nicosia has its own Nicosia Municipal Orchestra, which performs in public spaces, and hosts the annual Walled City Jazz Festival. Rüya Taner is an internationally acclaimed Turkish Cypriot pianist.

Contemporary music, including pop and rock, is popular. Several Turkish Cypriot singers, such as Ziynet Sali and Işın Karaca, have achieved fame in Turkey. The band Sıla 4 produced music considered significant for Turkish Cypriot identity and also gained popularity in Turkey. Other notable rock and pop acts include SOS and Fikri Karayel. Towns and cities regularly organize festivals featuring local and international musicians.

10.2. Literature

Poetry is the most widely published form of literature in Northern Cyprus. Turkish Cypriot literature, particularly poetry, reflects the influences of Turkish literature, the unique culture of Cyprus, and elements from the British colonial period.

Early Turkish Cypriot poetry after the adoption of the Latin alphabet, by poets such as Nazif Süleyman Ebeoğlu, Urkiye Mine Balman, Engin Gönül, Necla Salih Suphi, and Pembe Marmara, often had strong nationalistic themes, mirroring the political sentiments of the time and the styles of mainland Turkish poetry. Simultaneously, poets like Özker Yaşın, Osman Türkay (nominated twice for the Nobel Prize in Literature), and Nevzat Yalçın explored more original styles, influenced by emerging poetic trends in Turkey and Britain. This group was prolific and significantly contributed to the popularity of poetry within the Turkish Cypriot community.

In the 1970s, themes of nationalism began to give way to a stronger sense of Cypriotness, influenced by Yaşın, Türkay, and Yalçın. The "1974 generation of poets," including figures like Mehmet Yaşın, Hakkı Yücel, Nice Denizoğlu, Neşe Yaşın, Ayşen Dağlı, and Canan Sümer, emerged during this period. Their poetry often emphasized a distinct Turkish Cypriot identity, separate from Turkish identity, and identified Cyprus as the Turkish Cypriot homeland, contrasting with earlier nationalist poetry. This approach is sometimes called the "Cypriot poetry of rejection" as it resists strong Turkish influence and highlights the cultural distinctions arising from the war experience. This was followed in the 1980s by an increased adoption of a Mediterranean identity, alongside the effects of social liberalization, reflected in feminist themes, with Neriman Cahit being a notable example.

10.3. Theatre and Cinema

Theatre in Northern Cyprus is primarily sustained by the Turkish Cypriot State Theatre, municipal theatres, and several private theatrical companies. The Cyprus Theatre Festival, organized by the Nicosia Turkish Municipality, is a major event that also features institutions from Turkey. As there are no large halls built specifically for theatre, plays are often staged in conference halls.

The origins of Turkish Cypriot theatre can be traced to Karagöz and Hacivat, a traditional shadow play popular during the Ottoman era. Though less common now, it is sometimes televised during religious festivals. Modern Turkish Cypriot theatre began to develop after the 1840s with influences from European theatre. The staging of "Vatan Yahut Silistre" ("Homeland versus Silistra") by Turkish playwright Namık Kemal in 1908 is considered a key moment in the inception of modern Turkish Cypriot theatre. Theatrical activity proliferated in the 1920s with local plays being written and staged, and Turkish companies performing in Cyprus.

In the 1960s, Turkish Cypriot theatre became more institutionalized. The "İlk Sahne" (First Stage) theatre group, founded in 1963, was renamed the Turkish Cypriot State Theatre in 1966 and has since performed numerous plays. Theatre remains a popular art form, with significant attendance at events like the Cyprus Theatre Festival.

The film industry in Northern Cyprus is nascent. Anahtar (Key), released in 2011, was the first full-length feature film produced entirely in Northern Cyprus. Co-productions have also taken place. Kod Adı Venüs (Code Name Venus), a co-production of Northern Cyprus, Turkey, Britain, and the Netherlands, was screened at the Cannes Film Festival in 2012. The film director and screenwriter Derviş Zaim, of Turkish Cypriot origin, achieved international recognition with his 2003 film Mud (Çamur), which won a UNESCO award at the Venice Film Festival. The documentary film The Missing Bus (Kayıp Otobüs_{Kayıp Otobüs}^Turkish), directed by Turkish Cypriot journalist Fevzi Taşpınar, tells the story of eleven Turkish Cypriot workers who disappeared in 1964 and was aired on TRT TV and participated in the Boston Film Festival in 2011.

10.4. Cuisine

The cuisine of Northern Cyprus is a blend of Turkish, Levantine, and Mediterranean influences. It shares many dishes with the cuisine of the Republic of Cyprus and mainland Turkey, but with local variations.
Key dishes include:

• Kebabs: Şiş kebab, şeftali kebab (a type of sausage made with ground meat, onions, and spices, wrapped in caul fat), and various kofte (meatball) preparations.
• Mezes: A variety of small dishes served as appetizers, similar to other Eastern Mediterranean cuisines. These can include dips like hummus and cacık (tzatziki), grilled halloumi (hellim) cheese, olives, and various salads.
• Meat Dishes: Besides kebabs, stews and oven-baked dishes featuring lamb or chicken are common.
• Seafood: Fresh fish and seafood are popular, especially in coastal areas.
• Vegetarian Dishes: "Yalancı dolma" (stuffed vegetables, literally "false dolma" as they are meatless), various dishes made with beans or pulses like börülce (black-eyed peas cooked with Swiss chard), molohiya (a green leafy vegetable stew), and kolokas (taro root) stews.
• Pastries and Desserts: Turkish-style pastries like baklava, as well as local sweets. Pilavuna (a savory cheese pastry) is a Cypriot specialty.

Olive oil is extensively used. Fresh vegetables, herbs like mint and parsley, and fruits are abundant. Traditional bread is also a staple.

10.5. Sports

Football is the most popular sport in Northern Cyprus. The Cyprus Turkish Football Federation (KTFF) oversees several leagues, including the KTFF Süper Lig. Due to the political status, teams from Northern Cyprus cannot participate in FIFA or UEFA competitions. However, some sports clubs participate in Turkish leagues. There are over 29 sports federations in Northern Cyprus, with a total registered membership of 13,950 (as of around 2008). Taekwondo, karate, aikido, kurash, shooting, and hunting are also popular.

Northern Cyprus has five main stadiums, with capacities ranging from 7,000 to 30,000. The largest is the Nicosia Atatürk Stadium.

Water sports such as windsurfing, jetskiing, waterskiing, and sailing are available along the coast, particularly at tourist resorts like Kyrenia's Escape Beach Club.

Northern Cyprus is a member of the World Pool-Billiard Association. The isolation affects participation in international sporting events, but Turkish Cypriot athletes sometimes compete under Turkish or other national flags, or in events specifically for non-recognized states.