1. Overview
Abiy Ahmed Ali, born on August 15, 1976, is an Ethiopian politician who has served as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia since 2018. He is also the leader of the Prosperity Party, which he formed in 2019. Abiy rose to prominence through his efforts to liberalize Ethiopia's political landscape, including releasing political prisoners, lifting states of emergency, and promoting media freedom. Internationally, he gained significant recognition for brokering a historic peace agreement with neighboring Eritrea, an achievement for which he was awarded the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize.
However, his premiership has also been marked by severe internal conflicts and significant criticisms regarding democratic backsliding and human rights violations. These include the devastating Tigray War, which saw widespread atrocities and a severe humanitarian crisis, and ongoing conflicts in regions such as Amhara and Metekel. His government has faced accusations of authoritarian tendencies, media suppression, and internet shutdowns, leading to calls for the revocation of his Nobel Peace Prize. Despite these challenges, Abiy Ahmed officially began his second five-year term in October 2021, continuing to navigate Ethiopia's complex political and social landscape.
2. Early Life and Background
Abiy Ahmed Ali's early life was shaped by a diverse family background and the political turmoil of Ethiopia in the late 20th century.
2.1. Birth and Family
Abiy Ahmed was born on August 15, 1976, in the small town of Beshasha, which was then part of Kaffa Province and is now located in the Jimma Zone of the Oromia Region. His father, Ahmed Ali, was a Muslim Oromo farmer who spoke only the Oromo language. He had four wives, and Abiy was his 13th child and the sixth and youngest child of his mother, Tezeta Wolde. Abiy's childhood name was "Abiyot," meaning "Revolution," a name sometimes given to children in the mid-1970s following the Ethiopian Revolution.
His mother, Tezeta Wolde, was an Amhara and an Orthodox Christian who converted to Islam upon marrying Abiy's father. Tezeta was fluent in both Amharic and Oromo. Abiy married Zinash Tayachew, an Amhara woman from Gondar, while both were serving in the Ethiopian National Defense Force. They have three daughters and one adopted son. Abiy is also known to speak Oromo, Amharic, Tigrinya, and English. He is a fitness enthusiast and regularly engages in physical activities in Addis Ababa.
2.2. Ethnicity and Religion
Abiy Ahmed's ethnic heritage is a blend of Oromo and Amhara roots, reflecting the diverse fabric of Ethiopia. His father was an Oromo Muslim, while his mother was an Amhara Orthodox Christian who converted to Islam. He was raised in a family that embraced religious plurality.
Abiy himself is a Pentecostal Christian. He and his family are regular church attendees, and he occasionally ministers by preaching and teaching the Gospel at the Ethiopian Full Gospel Believers' Church. His wife, Zinash Tayachew, is also a Christian who serves as a gospel singer in her church.
2.3. Childhood and Education
Abiy's early development included attending local primary school in Beshasha and continuing his studies at secondary schools in Agaro town. He showed a keen interest in his own education from an early age and later encouraged others to pursue learning and self-improvement.
While serving in the Ethiopian National Defense Force, Abiy pursued higher education. He earned his first degree, a Bachelor of Arts in computer engineering, from Microlink Information Technology College in Addis Ababa in 2009. In 2011, he obtained a Master of Arts in transformational leadership from the business school at University of Greenwich, London, in collaboration with the International Leadership Institute in Addis Ababa. He further earned a Master of Business Administration from Leadstar College of Management and Leadership in Addis Ababa, in partnership with Ashland University, in 2013.
Abiy began his Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) studies as a regular student at the Institute for Peace and Security Studies at Addis Ababa University. He submitted his PhD thesis in 2016 and successfully defended it in 2017. His thesis, titled "Social Capital and its Role in Traditional Conflict Resolution in Ethiopia: The Case of Inter-Religious Conflict In Jimma Zone State," focused on the Agaro constituency and was supervised by Amr Abdallah. However, in 2022, academic Alex de Waal criticized Abiy's PhD thesis, describing it as "perhaps enough for an undergraduate paper" and lacking sufficient depth in areas like social capital or conflict resolution literature. In 2023, de Waal and his colleagues further recommended that Addis Ababa University re-examine the thesis for plagiarism, alleging its presence on every page of Chapter 2. Abiy also published a related short research article on de-escalation strategies in the Horn of Africa in a journal issue dedicated to countering violent extremism.
3. Military Career
Abiy Ahmed Ali's military career began at a young age, shaping his early experiences and providing him with a background in intelligence and conflict resolution.
3.1. Military Service and Intelligence Activities
At the age of 14, in early 1991, Abiy joined the armed struggle against the Marxist-Leninist Derg regime led by Mengistu Haile Mariam. His decision to join was influenced by the death of his oldest brother. He served as a child soldier affiliated with the Oromo People's Democratic Organization (OPDO), a small organization of around 200 fighters that was part of the larger Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition army, which eventually led to the regime's downfall later that year. Given the small number of OPDO fighters in an army dominated by an estimated 90,000 Tigrayans, Abiy quickly learned the Tigrinya language, which facilitated his advancement within the military, particularly in the Tigrayan-dominated security apparatus.
After the fall of the Derg, Abiy received formal military training from the Assefa Brigade in West Wollega, where he was subsequently stationed. By 1993, he became a soldier in the newly formed Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), primarily working within its intelligence and communications departments. During the Eritrean-Ethiopian War (1998-2000), he led an intelligence team tasked with discovering the positions of the Eritrean Defence Forces.
Following his military service, Abiy was posted back to his hometown of Beshasha, where he, as an officer, successfully addressed critical inter-religious clashes between Muslims and Christians that had resulted in several deaths. His efforts brought calm and peace to the communally tense situation. Later, after his election as a Member of Parliament, he continued these reconciliation efforts by establishing the "Religious Forum for Peace."
In 2006, Abiy co-founded the Ethiopian Information Network Security Agency (INSA), where he held various positions. For two years, he served as the acting director of INSA during the director's leave of absence. In this capacity, he was also a board member of several government agencies involved in information and communications, including Ethio telecom and Ethiopian Television. He achieved the rank of Lieutenant colonel before deciding to leave the military in 2010 and his post as deputy director of INSA to pursue a political career.
3.2. UNAMIR Deployment
In 1995, following the devastating Rwandan genocide, Abiy Ahmed was deployed as a member of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) to the country's capital, Kigali. This experience provided him with direct exposure to post-conflict stabilization efforts and international peacekeeping operations.
4. Political Career
Abiy Ahmed Ali's political career saw a rapid ascent from a local party member to the highest office in Ethiopia, marked by his engagement in key social and political issues.
4.1. Entry into Politics and Early Activities
Abiy began his political journey as a member of the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), which had been the ruling party in the Oromia Region since 1991 and was one of the four coalition parties forming the dominant Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). He quickly rose through the ranks, becoming a member of the ODP's central committee and a congress member of the EPRDF's executive committee.
In the 2010 national election, Abiy was elected as a Member of Parliament, representing the Agaro district in the House of Peoples' Representatives, the lower chamber of the Ethiopian Federal Parliamentary Assembly. During his parliamentary service, he proactively engaged in efforts to resolve religious clashes between Muslims and Christians in the Jimma Zone, some of which had turned violent. He collaborated with religious institutions and elders to foster reconciliation, leading to the establishment of the "Religious Forum for Peace," a mechanism aimed at restoring peaceful Muslim-Christian community interaction.
In 2014, while still a Member of Parliament, Abiy was appointed director-general of the newly established Science and Technology Information Center (STIC), a government research institute founded in 2011. The following year, he became an executive member of the ODP and was re-elected to the House of Peoples' Representatives for a second term, this time representing his home woreda of Gomma.
4.2. Rise to Power
Starting in 2015, Abiy Ahmed became a prominent figure in the fight against illegal land grabbing activities, particularly in the Oromia Region and around Addis Ababa. Although the controversial Addis Ababa Master Plan, which was central to these land-grabbing schemes, was halted in 2016, related disputes continued, resulting in injuries and deaths. This struggle against land grabbing significantly boosted Abiy's political career, bringing him into the national spotlight and facilitating his rapid ascent.
In October 2015, Abiy was appointed Ethiopia's Minister of Science and Technology, a position he held for only 12 months. From October 2016, he served as Deputy President of the Oromia Region, working alongside Oromia's president, Lemma Megersa, while maintaining his seat in the Ethiopian Federal House of Peoples' Representatives. He also headed the Oromia Urban Development and Planning Office, where he was expected to drive the Oromia Economic Revolution, land and investment reforms, youth employment initiatives, and continued resistance to land grabbing. During his tenure, he also managed the crisis of one million Oromo people displaced from the Somali Region due to unrest in 2017.
As head of the ODP Secretariat from October 2017, Abiy played a crucial role in forging a new alliance between the Oromo and Amhara ethnic groups, which together constitute two-thirds of the Ethiopian population. By early 2018, Abiy and Lemma Megersa were widely considered the most popular politicians among both the Oromo and other Ethiopian communities, amidst several years of national unrest. Young people in Oromia called for immediate and fundamental change, and Abiy himself advocated for a new political rhetoric based on open and respectful discussion to foster progress and democratic engagement. He resigned from all his posts in the Oromia Region after his election as the leader of the EPRDF.
4.2.1. EPRDF Leadership Election
Following three years of widespread protests and unrest across Ethiopia, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn announced his resignation on February 15, 2018, which also included his resignation as EPRDF chairman. Given the EPRDF's dominant majority in Parliament, its chairman was virtually assured of becoming the next Prime Minister. The EPRDF chairman is one of the heads of the four parties that formed the ruling coalition: the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP), the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM), and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF).
Hailemariam's resignation initiated the first-ever contested leadership election among EPRDF coalition members. Political observers widely considered Lemma Megersa, the ODP chairman, and Abiy Ahmed as the front-runners for the leadership of the ruling coalition and, consequently, the premiership. However, Lemma Megersa was not a member of the national parliament, a constitutional requirement for becoming Prime Minister, which excluded him from the race. On February 22, 2018, the ODP held an emergency executive committee meeting and replaced Lemma Megersa with Abiy Ahmed as its chairman, a strategic move seen by some observers to maintain the ODP's influence within the coalition and position Abiy for the prime ministership.
On March 1, 2018, the 180 members of the EPRDF executive committee, with 45 representatives from each of the four parties, began their meeting to elect the party leader. The main contenders were Abiy Ahmed (ODP), Demeke Mekonnen (Deputy Prime Minister and ADP leader), Shiferaw Shigute (SEPDM Chairman), and Debretsion Gebremichael (TPLF Leader). Despite being a popular choice among many Ethiopians, Abiy faced significant opposition from TPLF and SEPDM members during the leadership discussions. On March 27, 2018, just hours before the leadership elections, Demeke Mekonnen, who was considered Abiy's main opponent, withdrew from the race, which many interpreted as an endorsement for Abiy. Demeke was subsequently approved for another term as deputy prime minister. By midnight, Abiy Ahmed was declared chairman of the EPRDF, receiving 108 votes, while Shiferaw Shigute received 58 votes and Debretsion Gebremichael received 2 votes. This made Abiy the Prime Minister Designate of Ethiopia.
4.2.2. Assumption of the Premiership
On April 2, 2018, Abiy Ahmed was officially confirmed and sworn in as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia by the Ethiopian parliament. In his acceptance speech, he pledged to pursue political reforms, promote national unity and unity among Ethiopia's diverse peoples, resolve the long-standing border conflict with Eritrea, and extend an olive branch to political opposition groups both within and outside the country. His speech was met with widespread optimism and an overwhelmingly positive reaction from the Ethiopian public, including opposition factions. His popularity and support across the nation reached an unprecedented high, with some political observers noting that Abiy was significantly more popular than the ruling EPRDF coalition itself. He was officially sworn in for his second five-year term in October 2021.
5. Premiership
Abiy Ahmed Ali's tenure as Prime Minister has been characterized by ambitious domestic reforms and a dynamic foreign policy, alongside significant internal conflicts and controversies.

5.1. Domestic Policy and Reforms
Upon taking office in April 2018, Abiy's government initiated extensive internal policies and reforms aimed at transforming governance, society, and the economy.
5.1.1. Political Reforms and Democratization
Abiy's administration oversaw significant efforts towards political liberalization. Thousands of political prisoners were released from Ethiopian jails, and the country's political landscape rapidly opened up. In May 2018 alone, the Oromia region pardoned over 7,600 prisoners. High-profile figures such as Ginbot 7 leader Andargachew Tsege (who had been on death row for terrorism charges), Berhanu Nega, and Oromo dissident Jawar Mohammed had their charges dropped. Their affiliated US-based satellite television networks, ESAT and OMN, also had charges against them removed. Abiy took the "unprecedented and previously unimaginable" step of meeting Andargachew Tsege at his office, a move praised as "bold and remarkable." He also met with former Oromo Liberation Front leaders, including founder Lencho Letta, who committed to peaceful political participation upon their return to Ethiopia.
On May 30, 2018, the ruling party announced its intention to amend the country's "draconian" anti-terrorism law, widely seen as a tool for political repression. On June 1, 2018, Abiy declared that the government would end the state of emergency two months ahead of its scheduled expiration, citing an improved domestic situation. Parliament approved this legislation on June 4, officially ending the state of emergency. In his first briefing to the House of Peoples' Representatives in June 2018, Abiy defended his government's release of convicted "terrorists," arguing that policies sanctioning arbitrary detention and torture were themselves extra-constitutional acts of terror designed to suppress opposition. This was followed by an additional pardon of 304 prisoners, 289 of whom had been sentenced on terrorism-related charges, on June 15.
The rapid pace of these reforms, however, exposed fissures within the ruling coalition. Hardliners within the military and the previously dominant Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) reportedly expressed strong discontent over the end of the state of emergency and the release of political prisoners. Some critics from the previously pro-government website Tigrai Online argued that Abiy was "doing too much too fast" and that the criminal justice system was becoming a "revolving door." On June 13, 2018, the TPLF executive committee publicly denounced the decisions to hand over Badme and privatize state-owned enterprises as "fundamentally flawed," asserting that the ruling coalition suffered from a "fundamental leadership deficit."
5.1.2. Economic Reforms and Privatization
In June 2018, Abiy's government announced a landmark shift in Ethiopia's state-oriented development model, declaring its intention to pursue the large-scale privatization of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and the liberalization of several key economic sectors previously considered off-limits. State monopolies in telecommunications, aviation, electricity, and logistics were to be dismantled, opening these industries to private sector competition.
Shares in state-owned firms, including Ethiopian Airlines, Africa's largest and most profitable airline, were to be offered to both domestic and foreign investors. However, the government intended to retain a majority share in these critical firms, thereby maintaining control over the "commanding heights of the economy." Less critical state-owned enterprises, such as railway operators, sugar factories, industrial parks, hotels, and various manufacturing firms, were slated for full privatization. This move was seen not only as an ideological shift towards greater economic liberalization but also as a pragmatic measure to address the country's dwindling foreign-exchange reserves, which by the end of the 2017 fiscal year covered less than two months' worth of imports, and to alleviate its growing sovereign debt burden.
In tandem with the privatization efforts, Abiy announced the government's intention to establish an Ethiopian stock exchange. As of 2015, Ethiopia was the largest country globally, by both population and gross domestic product, without a stock exchange.
5.1.3. Security Sector Reform
In June 2018, Abiy addressed senior commanders of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), outlining his plans to reform the military. These reforms aimed to enhance the military's effectiveness and professionalism while reducing its political influence. This initiative followed renewed calls from both within Ethiopia and international human rights organizations, notably Amnesty International, to disband highly controversial regional militias like the Liyyu force. Such reforms were anticipated to face resistance from TPLF hardliners, who held many positions within the military's high command.
Notably, Abiy also advocated for the eventual reconstitution of the Ethiopian Navy, which had been dissolved in 1996 after Eritrea's secession and had since maintained an extraterritorial presence in Djibouti. He stated that Ethiopia "should build our naval force capacity in the future," a move intended to appeal to nationalists still sensitive about the country's loss of its coastline 25 years prior. Ethiopia already possesses a maritime training institute on Lake Tana and a national shipping line.
On June 7, 2018, Abiy implemented a significant reshuffle of top security officials. Samora Yunis, the ENDF Chief of Staff, was replaced by Lieutenant General Se'are Mekonnen. Getachew Assefa, the National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) director, was succeeded by Lieutenant General Adem Mohammed. Additionally, Abadula Gemeda, the National Security Advisor and former army chief, and Sebhat Nega, a founder of the TPLF and director-general of the Foreign Relations Strategic Research Institute, were retired.
5.1.4. Internet Shutdowns and Media Freedom
While Abiy's government initially invited exiled media outlets like ESAT and OMN to return to Ethiopia in 2018, criticisms regarding media freedom and internet access have intensified during his premiership. Although Ethiopia's rank in the World Press Freedom Index improved significantly in 2019, jumping forty positions from 150 to 110 out of 180 countries, this trend has reversed.
Since mid-2019, non-governmental organizations such as Human Rights Watch, the Committee to Protect Journalists, and Amnesty International have reported a rise in arrests of Ethiopian journalists and the closure of media outlets, with the notable exception of ESAT-TV. In 2021, 46 journalists were detained, making Ethiopia one of the worst jailers of journalists in Africa. Prominent cases include the arrest of journalist Gobeze Sisay by unknown plainclothes officers on May 1, 2021, whose whereabouts were initially unknown, and the arrest of Terara Network founder Tamerat Negera in December 2021 on allegations of "disseminating misinformation."
Internationally, Abiy's government suspended the press license of Reuters' correspondent and issued warning letters to BBC and Deutsche Welle correspondents for alleged "violation of the rules of media broadcasting." An analyst from the International Crisis Group was also expelled.
Moreover, politically motivated internet shutdowns have become a frequent and severe tool under Abiy's leadership, despite the country's increasing reliance on cellular internet connectivity. Organizations like NetBlocks and Access Now have described these shutdowns as a "go-to tool for authorities to muzzle unrest and activism." Abiy himself controversially stated in 2019 that the internet is "neither water nor air," implying that his government would cut it as and when deemed necessary.

5.2. Foreign Policy
Abiy Ahmed Ali's foreign policy has focused on regional peace, economic partnerships, and securing Ethiopia's access to maritime ports, though some initiatives have faced challenges and controversy.



In May 2018, Abiy visited Saudi Arabia, securing guarantees for the release of Ethiopian prisoners, including billionaire entrepreneur Mohammed Hussein Al Amoudi, who had been detained during the 2017 Saudi Arabian purge. In June 2018, he met with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi in Cairo and, separately, mediated a meeting in Addis Ababa between South Sudanese President Salva Kiir and rebel leader Riek Machar to encourage peace talks in South Sudan.
In December 2022, Abiy attended the United States-Africa Leaders Summit 2022 in Washington, D.C., where he met with US President Joe Biden. In February 2023, he was welcomed by French President Emmanuel Macron in Paris. The following April, Abiy met with Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni in Addis Ababa. In early May 2023, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz met with Abiy in Addis Ababa to normalize relations between Germany and Ethiopia, which had been strained by the Tigray War. In July 2023, Abiy attended the 2023 Russia-Africa Summit in Saint Petersburg and met with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
5.2.1. Eritrea-Ethiopia Relations
Upon assuming office, Abiy expressed his commitment to negotiating an end to the long-standing Ethio-Eritrean conflict. In June 2018, his government announced its agreement to hand over the disputed border town of Badme to Eritrea, thereby complying with the terms of the 2000 Algiers Agreement. This initiative aimed to resolve the state of tension that had persisted between Eritrea and Ethiopia despite the official end of hostilities during the Eritrean-Ethiopian War. Previously, Ethiopia had rejected the international boundary commission's ruling awarding Badme to Eritrea, leading to a "frozen conflict."
On June 20, 2018, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki accepted Abiy's peace initiative and indicated he would send a delegation to Addis Ababa. On June 26, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh Mohammed made a historic visit to Addis Ababa, marking the first high-level Eritrean delegation to Ethiopia in over two decades. On July 8, 2018, Abiy became the first Ethiopian leader in over two decades to meet with an Eritrean counterpart, President Afwerki, during the 2018 Eritrea-Ethiopia summit in Asmara. The following day, they signed a "Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship," officially ending the state of war and agreeing to re-establish diplomatic relations, reopen direct telecommunication, road, and aviation links, and facilitate Ethiopian use of the ports of Massawa and Asseb. This historic reconciliation was reportedly facilitated by the United Arab Emirates, which had established its first overseas military base in Assab, Eritrea. On July 24, Abiy and President Afwerki were awarded the Order of Zayed by the UAE Crown Prince. On September 16, 2018, with Saudi Arabia's mediation, Abiy and President Afwerki signed the "Jeddah Peace Agreement." Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019 for his efforts in ending the war.
Despite these diplomatic achievements, the agreement has been described as "largely unimplemented." Critics argue that little has changed between the two nations in practice. Among the Eritrean diaspora, many expressed disapproval of the Nobel Peace Prize, given the limited practical changes. In July 2020, Eritrea's Ministry of Information stated that "Ethiopian troops continue to be present in our sovereign territories" and that "trade and economic ties of both countries have not resumed to the desired extent or scale." In October 2023, Abiy controversially stated that the secession of Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993 was a historical mistake that threatens landlocked Ethiopia's existence. He asserted that Ethiopia has "natural rights" to direct access to the Red Sea and warned that if denied, "there will be no fairness and justice and if there is no fairness and justice, it's a matter of time, we will fight."

5.2.2. Port Access Agreements
As Prime Minister, Abiy has actively pursued a policy of expanding landlocked Ethiopia's access to maritime ports in the Horn of Africa region. Shortly before he took office, it was announced that the Ethiopian government would acquire a 19% stake in Berbera Port in the Somaliland region located in northern Somalia as part of a joint venture with DP World. In May 2018, Ethiopia signed an agreement with the government of Djibouti to take an equity stake in the Port of Djibouti, which would give Ethiopia a voice in the port's development and fee structures.
Two days later, a similar agreement was signed with the Sudanese government, granting Ethiopia an ownership stake in Port Sudan. The Ethio-Djibouti agreement also allows the Djiboutian government the option of acquiring stakes in state-owned Ethiopian firms, such as Ethiopian Airlines and Ethio Telecom. This was soon followed by an agreement between Abiy and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta for the construction of an Ethiopian logistics facility at Lamu Port, as part of the Lamu Port and Lamu-Southern Sudan-Ethiopia Transport Corridor (LAPSSET) project. These developments aim to reduce Ethiopia's heavy reliance on Djibouti's port, which has handled almost all of its maritime traffic since 1998. The potential normalization of Ethiopia-Eritrea relations also opens the possibility for Ethiopia to resume using the ports of Massawa and Asseb, which were its main ports before the Ethio-Eritrean conflict, offering particular benefit to the northern Tigray Region.

5.2.3. Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) Dispute
The dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) has become a significant national concern for both countries. Abiy has taken a firm stance on Ethiopia's water security, warning that "No force can stop Ethiopia from building a dam. If there is need to go to war, we could get millions readied."
In a controversial statement following the murder of Oromo activist, singer, and political icon Hachalu Hundessa, Abiy hinted, without clear motives or obvious suspects, that Hundessa might have been murdered by Egyptian security agents acting on orders from Cairo to stir up trouble in Ethiopia. An Egyptian diplomat denied any involvement, and Ian Bremmer of Time magazine suggested that Abiy might have been "looking for a scapegoat that can unite Ethiopians against a perceived common enemy."

5.3. Political Party Reform
On November 21, 2019, with the approval of the EPRDF ruling coalition, a new political entity, the Prosperity Party, was formed. This party was created through the merger of three of the four constituent parties of the EPRDF-the Oromo Democratic Party (ODP), the Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement (SEPDM), and the Amhara Democratic Party (ADP)-along with five other affiliate parties, including the Hareri National League, the Ethiopian Somali People's Democratic Party, the Afar National Democratic Party, the Gambella Peoples Unity Party, and the Benishangul Gumuz Peoples Democratic Party. The programs and bylaws of this newly merged party were first approved by the EPRDF's executive committee. Abiy has stated that the "Prosperity Party is committed to strengthening and applying a true federal system which recognizes the diversity and contributions of all Ethiopians." Notably, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), a former key member of the EPRDF, refused to join the new Prosperity Party, a decision that would later contribute to significant tensions.
6. Conflicts and Controversies
Abiy Ahmed Ali's premiership has been marred by significant internal conflicts, widespread violence, and political controversies, drawing considerable criticism regarding human rights implications and governance.

Some analysts, like Awol Allo, argue that Abiy's ascent to power in 2018 created two irreconcilable visions for Ethiopia's future, often contradicting historical narratives of the Ethiopian state. His major reforms and liberalization efforts were suspected of worsening relations with TPLF members.
6.1. Tigray War
The Tigray War represents the most devastating conflict during Abiy's premiership, leading to a severe humanitarian crisis and widespread allegations of atrocities.
6.1.1. Causes and Progression
An armed conflict erupted in early November 2020 after TPLF security forces reportedly attacked the ENDF Northern Command headquarters in the Tigray region, prompting the ENDF to launch a military operation. The ENDF was supported by the Eritrean army and special forces from the Amhara Region and Afar Region, while the TPLF was aided by the Tigray Special Force, which later became the Tigray Defense Forces. Hostilities between the central government and the TPLF escalated after the TPLF rejected the federal government's decision to postpone the August 2020 elections to mid-2021 due to the COVID-19 pandemic, accusing the government of violating the Ethiopian constitution. In defiance, the TPLF conducted its own regional elections, winning all contested seats in the region's parliament. In response, Abiy Ahmed redirected funding from the top level of the Tigray regional government to lower ranks in an attempt to weaken the TPLF.
The central trigger of the conflict, as stated by Abiy and reported by Seku Ture, a TPLF member, was the alleged attack on the Northern Command bases and headquarters by TPLF security forces, although this claim is contested. The Ethiopian government announced on November 28, 2020, that it had captured Mekelle, the capital of Tigray, declaring the completion of its "rule of law operations." However, reports indicate that guerrilla-style conflict with the TPLF continued. In December 2021, journalist Declan Walsh reported in The New York Times that Abiy and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki had secretly planned the Tigray War even before Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, with the aim of settling their grievances against the TPLF.

6.1.2. Humanitarian Crisis and Criticisms
The Tigray War has resulted in a severe humanitarian crisis, drawing widespread international condemnation. The United Nations reported that about 2.3 million children were cut off from desperately needed aid and humanitarian assistance. The Ethiopian federal government imposed strict controls on access to the Tigray region since the conflict began, leading to frustration from the UN over delayed humanitarian access for essential supplies like food, medicine, water, and fuel.
Reports of looting emerged, including 500 dairy cows and hundreds of calves stolen by Amhara forces. In November 2020, an AFP news agency reporter observed that the administration of the conquered parts of Western Tigray had been taken over by officials from the Amhara Region. Refugees interviewed by AFP stated that pro-TPLF forces used Hitsats as a base, killing several refugees who attempted to leave for food and, in one incident, killing nine young Eritrean men in retaliation for a battle lost against the Eritrean Defence Forces.
In his premature victory speech to the federal parliament on November 30, 2020, Abiy Ahmed asserted, "The defence forces never killed a single civilian in a single town. No soldier from any country could display better competence." However, this claim was widely contradicted by mounting evidence. On March 21, 2021, during a parliamentary session where he was questioned about sexual violence in the Tigray War, Abiy made a controversial statement: "The women in Tigray? These women have only been penetrated by men, whereas our soldiers were penetrated by a knife."
The public image of Abiy Ahmed has been rapidly re-assessed by international media as increasingly grisly reports of atrocities have emerged. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken stated that he had seen "very credible reports of human rights abuses and atrocities" and demanded that "forces from Eritrea and Amhara must leave and be replaced by 'a force that will not abuse the human rights of the people of Tigray or commit acts of ethnic cleansing'." By late 2022, researchers at Ghent University in Belgium estimated that as many as 600,000 people had died as a result of war-related violence and famine.
6.2. Other Internal Conflicts and Violence
Abiy's premiership has also been marked by other significant internal security challenges and violent incidents across Ethiopia.
6.2.1. Amhara Region Coup Attempt
On June 22, 2019, factions within the security forces of the Amhara Region attempted a coup d'état against the regional government. During this attempt, the President of the Amhara Region, Ambachew Mekonnen, was assassinated. A bodyguard allied with the nationalist factions also assassinated General Se'are Mekonnen, the Chief of the General Staff of the Ethiopian National Defense Force, along with his aide, Major General Gizae Aberra. The Prime Minister's Office accused Brigadier General Asaminew Tsige, head of the Amhara region security forces, of leading the plot. Tsige was subsequently shot dead by police near Bahir Dar on June 24.
6.2.2. Hachalu Hundessa Riots
The murder of the prominent Oromo singer and activist Hachalu Hundessa on June 29, 2020, triggered widespread and serious unrest across the Oromia Region and Addis Ababa from June 30 to July 2, 2020. Initial police reports indicated that these riots resulted in the deaths of at least 239 people. The protests escalated into violence after activist Jawar Mohammed claimed that security forces attempted to attack him, a claim denied by the police.
6.2.3. Tigray Region Blockade
Accusations of deliberate obstruction of humanitarian aid to the Tigray region have been a major point of criticism against Abiy's government. In August 2021, the USAID accused Abiy's government of "obstructing" access to Tigray. In early October 2021, nearly a year after the Tigray War began, Mark Lowcock, who led the OCHA during part of the conflict, stated that Abiy's government was deliberately starving Tigray, running a "sophisticated campaign to stop aid getting in," and attempting to "cover up what's going on." The WHO Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus condemned the blockade as "an insult to our humanity."
6.2.4. War in Amhara
In early April 2023, a new conflict emerged between the Ethiopian federal government and Amhara regional forces, particularly the Fano militia. This followed an ENDF operation to disarm regional and paramilitary forces in the Amhara Region. On April 9, large protests erupted in cities like Gondar, Kobo, Seqota, and Weldiya, with protestors blocking roads to prevent army entry. The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) reported militarized situations in areas like North Gondar Zone, North Wollo Zone, and North Shewa Zone (Amhara) by May 4, noting that civilians were killed in densely populated areas, including a hospital, church, school, and residential neighborhoods, due to heavy artillery fragments or crossfire between August 6 and 7, 2023.
Further skirmishes led to clashes between the Fano militia and the ENDF in August. After Fano captured Lalibela, the Amhara Regional Governor Yilkal Kefale requested assistance from the ENDF to suppress Fano aggression, leading the federal government to declare a six-month state of emergency on August 4. The conflict also spread into the Oromia Region after Fano and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) engaged in Dera on August 26, 2023. Human rights violations have been reported, with ethnic Amhara individuals allegedly subjected to mass arbitrary arrests in urban centers under military command. Between August 25 and September 5, 2023, the EHRC found that numerous civilians were killed, physically injured, and had their properties destroyed in areas including Debre Markos in East Gojjam Zone; Adet and Merawi in North Gojjam Zone; Debre Tabor in South Gondar Zone; Delgi in Central Gondar Zone; and Majetie, Shewa Robit, and Antsokiya towns in North Shewa Zone.
6.3. Criticism and Allegations
Abiy Ahmed Ali's government and leadership style have drawn significant criticism, particularly concerning authoritarianism, human rights violations, and media suppression.
6.3.1. Authoritarianism and Human Rights Violations
Abiy's government has been widely accused of exhibiting authoritarian tendencies and restricting human rights, especially since the outbreak of the Tigray War. Numerous watchdogs and human rights groups assert that his government has increasingly intimidated the media and harassed political opponents. The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention stated that since 2018, the Amhara people have "continued to suffer severely, and their fundamental human rights have been heavily violated," alleging "mass killings and summary executions, ethnic cleansing, abduction of children, forced disappearances, measures intended to prevent births, the forcible transfer of children of the group to another group, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and looting." Politically motivated purges have become common, with many journalists and activists arrested by police for alleged breaches of "constitutional laws." As of June 2022, 18 journalists were arrested on allegations of "inciting violence" while reporting for independent media outlets or YouTube channels. Abiy is also believed to lead and organize Koree Nageenyaa, a secret service purportedly responsible for unlawful detentions and extrajudicial killings in the Oromia Region aimed at suppressing uprisings.
6.3.2. Media Suppression and Internet Shutdowns
Despite an initial improvement in Ethiopia's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index in 2019, the situation has deteriorated significantly. In 2021, 46 journalists were detained, making Ethiopia the worst jailer of journalists in Africa. Cases include journalist Gobeze Sisay, who was arrested by plainclothes officers in May 2022, and Tamerat Negera, founder of Terara Network, arrested in December 2021 on allegations of "disseminating misinformation." His government has also suspended the press license of Reuters' correspondent and issued warnings to BBC and Deutsche Welle for alleged "violation of the rules of media broadcasting."
Internet shutdowns have become a frequent and severe tactic under Abiy's administration, particularly during periods of social and political unrest. Human Rights Watch noted that communication blackouts without government justification have become routine. Abiy's controversial statement that the internet is "neither water nor air," has been met with backlash, as these shutdowns significantly impact citizens' access to information and freedom of expression.

6.3.3. Calls to Revoke Nobel Peace Prize
Due to the actions taken during the Tigray War, including alleged war crimes and severe human rights abuses, there have been increasing calls from international representatives and organizations to reconsider or revoke Abiy Ahmed's Nobel Peace Prize. In June 2021, representatives from multiple countries urged a re-evaluation of the award. Simon Tisdall, a former foreign editor for The Guardian, wrote that Abiy "should hand back his Nobel Peace Prize over his actions in the breakaway region," criticizing the conflict's hidden nature and the suppression of information. A petition launched on Change.org to gather signatures for the revocation of his prize had garnered nearly 30,000 signatures as of September 2021.
6.3.4. PhD Thesis Plagiarism Allegations
Abiy Ahmed's doctoral dissertation has faced accusations of plagiarism. In 2022, academic Alex de Waal criticized Abiy's PhD thesis, describing it as "perhaps enough for an undergraduate paper" rather than a sufficiently deep academic work. In 2023, de Waal and his colleagues formally recommended that Addis Ababa University re-examine Abiy's thesis for plagiarism, claiming to have found evidence of plagiarism on every page of Chapter 2.
7. Political Positions
Abiy Ahmed Ali's political ideology has been subject to various interpretations, often described as a blend of liberal and populist elements.


The academic and journalist Abiye Teklemariam and influential Oromo activist Jawar Mohammed have described Abiy as a "liberal populist." Alemayehu Weldemariam, a US-based Ethiopian lawyer and public intellectual, has characterized Abiy as an "opportunistic populist jockeying for power on a democratizing platform." Conversely, Tom Gardner, writing in Foreign Policy, argues that Abiy is more accurately described as a "liberal democrat" rather than a populist. However, Gardner acknowledges that Abiy has "occasionally used language that can be read as euphemistic and conspiracy-minded" and may have "exploited the system's vulnerabilities, such as a pliable media and politicized judiciary, for his own ends."
8. Awards
Abiy Ahmed Ali has received numerous national and international awards and honors in recognition of his efforts towards peace, leadership, and national development.
- Most Excellent Order of the Pearl of Africa: Grand Master** (Uganda, June 9, 2018)
- Order of the Zayed Medal** (UAE Crown Prince, July 24, 2018)
- High Rank Peace Award** (Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, September 9, 2018)
- Order of King Abdulaziz** (Saudi Arabia, September 16, 2018)
- Nominee for Tipperary International Peace Award** (Tipperary Peace Convention, November 2018)
- 100 Most Influential Africans of 2018** (New African magazine, December 1, 2018)
- African of the Year** (The African Leadership Magazine, December 15, 2018)
- The 5th Africa Humanitarian and Peacemakers Award (AHPA)** (African Artists for Peace Initiative, 2018)
- 100 Most Influential People 2018** (Time magazine, January 1, 2019)
- 100 Global Thinkers of 2019** (Foreign Policy magazine, January 1, 2019)
- Personality of the Year** (AfricaNews.com, January 1, 2019)
- African Excellence Award for Gender** (African Union, February 11, 2019)
- Humanitarian and Peace Maker Award** (African Artists Peace Initiative, March 9, 2019)
- Laureate of the 2019 edition of the Félix Houphouët-Boigny - UNESCO Peace Prize** (UNESCO, May 2, 2019)
- Peace Award for Contribution of Unity to Ethiopian Muslims** (Ethiopian Muslim Community, May 25, 2019)
- Chatham House Prize 2019 Nominee** (Chatham House - The Royal Institute of International Affairs, July 2019)
- World Tourism Award 2019** (World Tourism Forum, August 2019)
- Hessian Peace Prize** (State of Hessen, August 2019)
- African Association of Political Consultants Award** (APCAfrica, September 2019)
- Nobel Peace Prize** (Nobel Foundation, October 11, 2019)
- GIFA Laureate 2022** (Global Islamic Finance Awards, September 14, 2022)
- Outstanding African Leadership Award** (American Academy of Achievement and Global Hope Coalition, December 13, 2022)
- FAO Agricola Medal** (UN's Food and Agriculture Organization, January 28, 2024)
9. Personal Life
Abiy Ahmed Ali is married to Zinash Tayachew, an Amhara woman whom he met while both were serving in the Ethiopian National Defense Force. Together, they are parents to three daughters and one adopted son. Abiy is known to be a polyglot, speaking Oromo, Amharic, Tigrinya, and English. He is also a fitness enthusiast and frequently engages in physical and gym activities in Addis Ababa.
10. Assessment and Legacy
Abiy Ahmed Ali's leadership has profoundly impacted Ethiopia's political and social landscape, sparking both fervent hope and deep controversy. His early reforms, including the release of political prisoners, the lifting of repressive laws, and the pursuit of peace with Eritrea, initially earned him widespread acclaim and the Nobel Peace Prize, painting a picture of a transformative leader committed to democratic development and human rights. His initiatives to open up the economy and seek port access for landlocked Ethiopia also signaled a forward-looking vision for national prosperity.
However, his legacy is significantly complicated by the severe internal conflicts that have erupted under his watch, most notably the devastating Tigray War. This conflict, along with other instances of violence in regions like Amhara and Metekel, has led to immense human suffering, including civilian casualties, mass displacement, and famine, and has drawn strong criticism regarding human rights abuses and the obstruction of humanitarian aid. Accusations of authoritarian tendencies, media suppression, and the frequent use of internet shutdowns have further tarnished his image as a liberal democrat. The calls to revoke his Nobel Peace Prize underscore the deep divisions and disillusionment that have emerged.
Ultimately, Abiy's legacy remains a subject of intense debate. While proponents point to his initial bold reforms and efforts to foster regional peace, critics highlight the democratic backsliding, the human cost of internal conflicts, and the erosion of freedoms. His leadership is seen as a complex and contradictory blend of reformist aspirations and authoritarian practices, leaving a mixed and evolving impact on Ethiopia's trajectory.