Toshio Tamogami

2.1. Early Life and Upbringing

Toshio Tamogami was born in July 1948 in a rural area of Koriyama, Fukushima Prefecture, Japan. His childhood experiences in this agricultural setting preceded his entry into the military world.

2.2. Education

Tamogami attended local junior high school before enrolling in Fukushima Prefectural Asaka High School, from which he graduated in March 1967. Following his high school education, he entered the National Defense Academy of Japan in 1967. He graduated from the academy in March 1971 as part of its 15th class, having majored in electrical engineering.

3.1. Entry into JASDF and Early Career

After graduating from the National Defense Academy of Japan in March 1971, Toshio Tamogami was commissioned as an officer in the Japan Air Self-Defense Force (JASDF), entering the Air Self-Defense Force Officer Candidate School as part of the 45th class. His initial rank was 1st Air Sergeant in March 1971, followed by promotions to 3rd Air Lieutenant in March 1972, 2nd Air Lieutenant in July 1974, and 1st Air Lieutenant in July 1977.

His primary specialty within the JASDF was high-altitude operation, focusing on the command of surface-to-air missiles. Although he desired to become a pilot, he did not pass the aptitude tests for flight training and therefore did not serve as a pilot, though he did have experience as an aircraft crew member. He continued his ascent through the ranks, becoming a 3rd Air Major in July 1982, and a 2nd Air Major in January 1986.

3.2. Key Assignments and Promotions

Tamogami was promoted to 1st Air Major in January 1990. His significant assignments included serving in the Defense Division of the Air Staff Office's Defense Department starting August 1, 1991, and then as the Chief of the Operations Planning Section within the same department from March 16, 1992. On December 1, 1993, he was appointed Commander of the 3rd Air Wing Base Operations Group. He later became the Chief of the Welfare Division in the Air Staff Office's Personnel and Education Department on June 30, 1995. During his tenure in the Welfare Division from 1995 to 1996, he first met So Mizushima, who would later become a prominent figure in conservative media.

On July 1, 1996, Tamogami was promoted to Major General. He then served as the Chief of Staff of the Southwest Air Composite Wing Headquarters from March 26, 1997. From July 1, 1998, he commanded the 6th Air Wing and also served as the Commander of Komatsu Air Base. It was during his time at Komatsu Air Base that he met Toshio Motoya, the representative of the APA Group, who was then the chairman of the Komatsu Base Kanazawa Tomonokai, a local support group. Their relationship would later become a source of controversy. On December 10, 1999, he was appointed Director of the Equipment Department in the Air Staff Office.

On December 2, 2002, Tamogami was promoted to Lieutenant General and appointed as the Head of the Joint Staff College. During his leadership at the Joint Staff College, he established a controversial "Historical View and National View" course. This course invited members from the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform (Tsukurukai) as lecturers, teaching content that included the "Greater East Asia War historical view." Tamogami also continued to visit Yasukuni Shrine in uniform, believing it was important for SDF generals to do so publicly. On August 30, 2004, he was appointed Commander in Chief of the Air Defense Command, succeeding Kunihiro Oda.

3.3. Tenure as Chief of Staff

On March 28, 2007, Toshio Tamogami was promoted to General and appointed as the 29th Chief of Staff of the Air Self-Defense Force, succeeding Tadashi Yoshida. His appointment to this top position was made by then-Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.

During his tenure, Tamogami became known for his outspoken remarks, which often diverged from official government positions. He was a member of Nippon Kaigi, an openly revisionist organization. In April 2008, following a Nagoya High Court ruling that stated the JASDF's deployment to Iraq was unconstitutional, Tamogami famously quipped, using a popular comedian's catchphrase, "What does that matter?" He later clarified that his intention was to convey that the ruling did not immediately affect the SDF's operations, which were based on government orders. However, this remark was widely criticized in the Diet and media for its perceived flippancy regarding a serious constitutional matter.

Tamogami had also expressed controversial views on Japan's security policy. At a semi-political meeting on September 15, 2004, while still Commander in Chief of the Air Defense Command, he stated that Japan might need to develop nuclear weapons to be recognized as an independent nation by China, and that promising never to develop nuclear arms was "foolish." These views resurfaced following his dismissal. On December 1, 2008, when asked by a British journalist if he would have used nuclear weapons against the United States in 1945 had he been a general for a nuclear-capable Japan, he replied that he "might have considered using nuclear weapons against the United States...especially if it was a case of nuking in response to the threat of American nuclear weapons." Tamogami claimed that many other members of the Japanese government and military shared his controversial views.

3.4. Awards and Decorations

During his distinguished military career, Toshio Tamogami received several honors. On August 19, 2008, he was awarded the Legion of Merit Degree Commander Medal by United States Air Force Chief of Staff General Norton A. Schwartz.

4.1. Essay Publication and Award

The controversy originated from an essay titled "Is Japan an Aggressor Nation?" (日本は侵略国家であったのか_{Nihon wa Shinryaku Kokka De Atta no ka}^Japanese), which Tamogami submitted to the first "True Interpretation of Modern History" essay contest. This contest was organized and sponsored by his friend, the prominent businessman and nationalist Toshio Motoya, representative of the APA Group. The theme of the contest was "True Interpretation of Modern History." On October 31, 2008, Tamogami's essay was selected as the top prize winner, earning him a prize of 3.00 M JPY. The essay was subsequently published in a book by Motoya, "The Shocking Truth About Modern History," which featured other winning essays from the competition.

The idea for the essay contest itself reportedly originated from Tamogami, who suggested to Motoya that he should "return wealth to society" given his success. This personal connection between Tamogami and Motoya led to suspicions within the Ministry of Defense (MOD) that the contest might have been a "fixed game." Furthermore, in 2007, while still Chief of Staff, Tamogami had authorized Motoya to experience a ride in an F-15 fighter jet, highlighting their close relationship.

4.2. Content of the Essay

Tamogami's essay presented a highly revisionist interpretation of Japan's wartime history, directly contradicting the official Japanese government position, including the Murayama Statement and Koizumi Statement. The core arguments of the essay included:

• Denial of Aggression**: Tamogami asserted that "it is a false accusation to say (Japan) was an aggressor nation" during the Second Sino-Japanese War and World War II. He claimed that Japan was a victim, having been "dragged into these wars" by Chiang Kai-shek of the Kuomintang and Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States, both of whom he alleged were manipulated by the Comintern.
• Conspiracy Theories**: He explicitly stated that "our country was a victim dragged into the Sino-Japanese War by Chiang Kai-shek, who was manipulated by the Comintern." He also suggested that the Zhang Zuolin train bombing was not carried out by the Japanese military, but was "extremely likely" to be the work of the Comintern. Furthermore, he argued that the Japan-U.S. War was a "scheme initiated by Roosevelt, manipulated by the Comintern," designed to draw Japan into conflict.
• Justification of Wartime Actions**: Tamogami argued that Japan's military advancements into the Korean Peninsula and the Chinese mainland were not acts of aggression, claiming that Japan "never unilaterally advanced its military without the consent of the other party." He contended that Japan's actions were justified as self-defense and as efforts to "liberate Asia from Western colonialism."
• Positive Impact of War**: The essay controversially claimed that the war brought "prosperity to occupied China, Taiwan, and Korea," and that "many Asian countries positively evaluate the Greater East Asia War."
• Criticism of War Crimes Trials**: Tamogami criticized the war crimes trials (Tokyo Trials) that followed the war, implying they were unjust. He also asserted that "it is often those who never directly saw the Imperial Japanese Army who are spreading rumors about the army's acts of brutality."
• Critique of Japan's Defense Posture**: He argued that the Japanese military was "bound hand and foot and unable to move" compared to other nations' militaries. He also suggested that relying on American protection would accelerate Japan's "Americanization" and destroy its traditional culture.

Tamogami confirmed on November 3, 2008, that the essay accurately expressed his personal views on the war and Japan's role in it. It was also revealed that he had published a similar essay in May 2007 in "Hōyū," an internal publication of the Air Self-Defense Force.

4.3. Government Response and Dismissal

The publication of Tamogami's essay immediately triggered a severe reaction from the Japanese government. On the same day the essay was published, October 31, 2008, then-Defense Minister Yasukazu Hamada announced Tamogami's removal from his position as Chief of Staff. Hamada stated that publicly expressing views that "clearly contradict the government's position" was "inappropriate for the Chief of Staff of the Air Self-Defense Force" and was likely to anger Japan's regional neighbors.

Initially, the government considered a disciplinary dismissal, which would have stripped Tamogami of his retirement allowance. However, fearing that Tamogami would contest such a decision and continue to advocate his views publicly in uniform, the Ministry of Defense instead opted to remove him from his post and apply the mandatory retirement age for his lower rank. This meant he was demoted to Lieutenant General upon removal from his Chief of Staff position on October 31, and then officially retired from the JASDF on November 3, 2008. Despite calls from Defense Minister Hamada for him to return his severance pay of approximately 70.00 M JPY, Tamogami refused.

Prime Minister Tarō Asō also weighed in, stating on November 13, 2008, that Tamogami's decision to write the essay was "extremely inappropriate" and that the government had been wrong to overlook Tamogami's views for many years.

4.4. Public and Political Reaction

The essay and Tamogami's subsequent dismissal ignited a major controversy both within Japan and internationally.

• Domestic Reaction**: Within Japan, the incident sparked a heated debate over civilian control (文民統制_{Bunmin Tōsei}^Japanese) and historical revisionism. Many media outlets, including the Asahi Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun, condemned Tamogami's views and criticized the government for its perceived lax oversight. Newspapers like the Iwate Nippo expressed "unease," while the Ryukyu Shimpo felt a "delusion as if the ghost of the old Japanese army had come back to life." Several papers, including the Ibaraki Shimbun, Nagasaki Shimbun, and Yomiuri Shimbun, emphasized that while individuals have freedom of thought, a top military official has a duty to adhere to political control. The Nikkei Shimbun and Mainichi Shimbun raised concerns about the potential spread of Tamogami's historical views within the Self-Defense Forces.
  • On November 11, 2008, Tamogami was summoned as a witness to the House of Councillors' Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, where he reiterated that he had no intention of denying the content of his essay. During this session, the curriculum of the "Historical View and National View" course he established at the Joint Staff College (2002-2004) was also scrutinized. Critics, including the Japanese Communist Party's newspaper "Akahata," argued that inviting members of the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform as lecturers to teach subjects like "Proud Japanese History" and "Greater East Asia War Affirmation Theory" to senior SDF officers was problematic and could be seen as fostering more individuals with similar revisionist views. The course was eventually abolished in 2010.
  • Former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba strongly criticized Tamogami, stating that he "did not understand civilian control at all" and that his dismissal was "natural." Ishiba emphasized that history should be viewed objectively and that military officers should offer professional opinions on defense matters, not personal historical or constitutional interpretations in public.
  • While some, particularly within conservative media and political circles, supported Tamogami, arguing he was a victim of "thought control" and a champion of "freedom of speech," others, including mainstream academics and historians like Ikuhiko Hata, dismissed his essay as "amateurish," "full of factual errors," and based on "conspiracy theories." Hata specifically criticized Tamogami's arbitrary use of his own research and his misrepresentation of historical events.
  • Public opinion polls showed mixed reactions. While online surveys on platforms like Yahoo! Japan and Livedoor showed significant support for Tamogami (58% to over 70%), mainstream telephone polls conducted by Nippon TV and NHK indicated that a majority of respondents (59% and 65% respectively) found his dismissal appropriate or his appointment problematic, suggesting a divergence between online and broader public sentiment.
• International Reaction**: Neighboring countries, particularly China and South Korea, reacted strongly to Tamogami's essay. Chinese officials and state media, such as the Global Times, condemned his views as "notorious right-wing" and "extremely detrimental" to China, expressing concern about the rise of such figures in Japan. North Korea's state news agency, KCNA, later labeled Tamogami an "extreme right-wing reactionary" and a "threat to peace" for his continued controversial statements.

5.1. Military Commentary and Public Appearances

Following his forced retirement in November 2008, Tamogami quickly established himself as a military commentator and public speaker. He founded his own company, Tamogami Office Inc., in February 2009. He became a highly sought-after speaker at conservative gatherings across Japan, reportedly giving 24 lectures in February 2009 alone.

He contributed a column to the magazine Asahi Geino, where he expressed his views on various topics, including perceived military threats from China and North Korea, and the perceived benefits of corporal punishment. In a 2011 book, he outlined a more independent defense policy for Japan, advocating for the right to collective self-defense and the acquisition of nuclear weapons, aircraft carriers, bombers, and cruise missiles, alongside strengthening amphibious troops and intelligence capabilities.

Tamogami also actively participated in nationalist demonstrations. In October 2010, he organized a rally in Tokyo to protest the Chinese fishing trawler collision incident near the Senkaku Islands. At this anti-China rally, he asserted, "The Senkaku Islands are Japan's traditional territory; if we don't protect it, China will take action to seize it." In August 2011, he participated in a protest against Fuji Television for alleged biased reporting, submitting a letter of protest as the chairman of Ganbare Nippon! Zenkoku Kōdō Iinkai. In August 2012, he led a group of Japanese activists to the Senkaku Islands, a move intended as a counter-protest to a landing by Chinese activists days earlier.

He also made controversial statements on social media. In October 2012, following a rape incident involving American servicemen in Okinawa, he posted on Twitter, questioning why the media did not report what the victims were doing "walking around town at 4 am," implying victim-blaming. This comment drew widespread criticism for its insensitivity and factual inaccuracies.

5.2. Political Campaigns

Tamogami made several attempts to enter mainstream politics, running for various elected offices.

5.2.1. 2014 Tokyo Gubernatorial Election

On January 7, 2014, Tamogami announced his candidacy for Governor of Tokyo in the election to replace the resigning governor Naoki Inose. His announcement press conference at the House of Representatives building was attended by prominent conservative figures, including former Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara, Hideaki Kase, Koichi Sugiyama, Nariaki Nakayama, and Shingo Nishimura. So Mizushima, president of Japan Cultural Channel Sakura, served as his campaign manager.

Tamogami's campaign platform focused on several key areas:

• Disaster Preparedness**: He proposed building a rescue system centered on the Japan Self-Defense Forces to prepare for major disasters like a potential Tokyo earthquake.
• Education**: He advocated for the establishment of an international university in Tokyo Metropolitan University that would offer online lectures.
• Urban Development**: He emphasized strengthening Tokyo's infrastructure and resilience in preparation for the 2020 Summer Olympics.
• Economic Policy**: To counter the consumption tax increase, he proposed a reduction in Tokyo metropolitan taxes and an expansion of public works by 2.00 T JPY to support small and medium-sized enterprises.
• Energy Policy**: He supported the safe restart of nuclear power plants.
• Social Policy**: He advocated for rent reduction for families with children, improvement of childcare facilities, and reform of historical education.

His campaign garnered significant support from conservative circles and the "net right-wing," with figures like Ishihara, Takeo Hiranuma, Dewi Sukarno, Naoki Hyakuta, and Takaaki Mitsuhashi delivering speeches in his support. Female speakers who campaigned for him were sometimes referred to as "Tamogami Girls" by the media. Despite the enthusiastic support, Tamogami lost the election on February 9, 2014, placing fourth out of 16 candidates with 610.87 K votes, significantly behind the winner, former Minister of Health, Labour and Welfare Yōichi Masuzoe, who secured over 2.10 M votes.

5.3. Political Affiliations

Toshio Tamogami has been associated with several political organizations and parties throughout his post-JASDF career, primarily those aligned with conservative and nationalist ideologies.

• Nippon Kaigi: He was a member of this openly revisionist organization during his time in the JASDF.
• Ganbare Nippon! Zenkoku Kōdō Iinkai: He became the chairman of this conservative national organization upon its founding in February 2010, alongside Japan Cultural Channel Sakura president So Mizushima, who was the de facto operator. He resigned as chairman in August 2014.
• Taiyo no To: He joined this party in September 2014, becoming its Executive Secretary and National Movement Director.
• Party for Future Generations: Taiyo no To merged into this party in November 2014, and Tamogami became its Vice Representative. He ran for the House of Representatives under this party's banner in 2014.
• Sanseito: In recent years, he has been associated with Sanseito, serving as a former advisor and lecturer for their "DIY School."

6.1. Arrest and Trial for Campaign Finance Violations

In 2015, reports emerged regarding alleged illegal payments made by Tamogami's campaign team during his 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial bid. His political fundraising organization reportedly had over 50.00 M JPY in unaccounted expenditures out of 132.65 M JPY raised from supporters. This led the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office's Special Investigation Department to initiate an investigation into potential misuse of political funds, including allegations of embezzlement.

On April 14, 2016, Tamogami was arrested by the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office on suspicion of violating the Public Offices Election Act for allegedly paying 2.80 M JPY to five campaign staffers who were legally classified as volunteers. Prior to his arrest, Tamogami had acknowledged that payments were made but claimed they were "not something that I directly ordered, but [a] result of my ignorance and lack of oversight."

Tamogami pleaded not guilty in June 2016, asserting, "I was never involved in distributing the money, nor did I conspire to do so." However, prosecutors alleged that Tamogami had approved the distribution of surplus cash remaining at the end of his campaign and specifically instructed his finance director to increase payments to certain individuals. He admitted during trial that he had told one staffer, "You were supposed to get 1.00 M JPY, but I increased it to 2.00 M JPY," explaining that he wanted to "sell goodwill" since the money had already been paid out.

6.2. Conviction and Sentence

After approximately five and a half months in detention, Tamogami was released on bail of 6.00 M JPY on September 29, 2016.

On May 22, 2017, the Tokyo District Court found Tamogami guilty of violating the Public Offices Election Act by making illegal payments to his campaign staff. He was sentenced to 22 months in prison, suspended for five years. The court criticized his lack of awareness as a candidate. In July 2017, the former campaign manager also received a suspended sentence for his role, with the court noting that "tens of millions of yen out of over 100.00 M JPY in donations were used for staff remuneration."

Tamogami appealed the verdict, but the Tokyo High Court upheld the lower court's decision on March 13, 2018, rejecting his appeal. He then filed a final appeal with the Supreme Court, which was dismissed on December 18, 2018, thereby finalizing his guilty verdict. As a result of his conviction, Tamogami received a five-year suspension of his civil rights, which expired in December 2023.

The legal troubles also exposed internal conflicts within his campaign team. The "Japan Cultural Channel Sakura" and its president, So Mizushima, who had served as Tamogami's campaign manager, later accused Tamogami and other staff members of privately diverting funds, leading to the investigation and eventual arrest. Following Tamogami's conviction, Channel Sakura became critical of him.

7.1. Historical Revisionism and Denial

Tamogami is widely known for his controversial interpretations and outright denials of key historical events related to Japan's wartime past, which often contradict official government apologies and historical consensus.

7.2. Nationalism and Right-Wing Politics

Tamogami is a fervent Japanese nationalist and a leading voice in the country's right-wing political landscape. He advocates for the eradication of what he calls "self-deprecating historical views" in Japan. He co-founded and chaired Ganbare Nippon! Zenkoku Kōdō Iinkai, a prominent nationalist organization, and has been associated with other right-wing parties like the Party for Future Generations. He believes that "anti-Japan" speech is limitless in Japan, while "pro-Japan" speech is heavily restricted, leading to what he perceives as constant "speech suppression" against those who defend Japan.

7.3. Security Policy and Defense

Tamogami consistently advocates for a stronger Japanese military and a more assertive security posture, often criticizing the limitations imposed by Japan's post-war constitution.

7.4. Social and Cultural Views

Tamogami holds deeply conservative and traditional views on various social and cultural issues, often expressing opposition to progressive reforms.

7.5. Specific Controversial Statements

Beyond his general ideological stances, Tamogami has made several specific controversial remarks that have drawn significant public attention and criticism.

7.6. Unification Church Relationship

Tamogami has connections to individuals and organizations associated with the Unification Church (officially the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification). Hideaki Kase, a prominent diplomatic critic and an initiator of the "National Council for the Promotion of the Enactment of the Anti-Spy Law" (an organization founded by the Unification Church-affiliated International Federation for Victory Over Communism), publicly supported Tamogami's 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial campaign. Tamogami also attended a memorial for Kase in 2023, stating that Kase and Shoichi Watabe had encouraged him when he faced criticism after his dismissal. In a January 2024 interview with the Sekai Nippo, a newspaper affiliated with the Unification Church, Tamogami criticized the Japanese government's request for a dissolution order against the Unification Church, arguing that the government should have protected the freedom of its followers. He also reiterated his belief that "pro-Japan" speech is suppressed in Japan, while "anti-Japan" speech is limitless.

11.1. Support and Endorsements

Despite widespread criticism, Tamogami has garnered considerable support from a segment of Japanese society, particularly within conservative and nationalist circles.

• Intellectual and Political Figures**: Prominent conservative intellectuals such as Shoichi Watabe (who chaired the APA Group essay contest judging panel) and Kanji Nishio have publicly supported his views. Tamogami himself stated that he was greatly influenced by Watabe's historical and philosophical perspectives. Within the Liberal Democratic Party, some defense-related politicians have also voiced support for Tamogami, particularly those who seek to move beyond the Murayama Statement's historical apologies.
• Business and Media Personalities**: Toshio Motoya, the CEO of APA Group who sponsored the essay contest, has been a key supporter. Other figures from conservative media, like So Mizushima (former president of Japan Cultural Channel Sakura), have actively campaigned for him.
• Public Popularity**: Following his dismissal, Tamogami became a highly sought-after speaker, giving numerous lectures across the country. While mainstream polls showed limited support, online surveys often indicated significant backing for his views, suggesting a strong base among "net right-wing" individuals.
• Campaign Supporters**: During his 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial campaign, he received endorsements and active support from influential politicians like former Tokyo Governor Shintaro Ishihara, Takeo Hiranuma, and Nariaki Nakayama. Celebrities and commentators such as Dewi Sukarno, Naoki Hyakuta, and Takaaki Mitsuhashi also campaigned for him. In his 2024 campaign, he continued to draw support from figures like Dewi Sukarno, Katsuya Takasu, and Akira Seki, and was actively supported by the Sanseito party and its leader, Sohei Kamiya.

11.2. Criticism from Politicians and Academics

Tamogami has faced strong and consistent criticism from a wide range of political figures, historians, and academics, who largely condemn his historical revisionism and nationalist rhetoric.

• Historians**: Ikuhiko Hata, a leading contemporary historian, strongly criticized Tamogami's essay, calling it "amateurish" and "full of factual errors." Hata expressed "unpleasantness" at Tamogami's arbitrary and misleading citations of his work, particularly regarding the Huanggutun Incident. Hata also characterized Tamogami's historical views as a "conspiracy theory," noting that his arguments were primarily for "domestic consumption" and lacked engagement with international scholarly debate.
• Politicians**:
  • Former Defense Minister Shigeru Ishiba stated that Tamogami "did not understand civilian control at all" and that his dismissal was "natural." Ishiba emphasized that military officers should provide professional opinions on defense, not personal historical or constitutional interpretations in public forums.
  • Junya Ogawa, a Democratic Party member, expressed "unease" and "concern" over the significant number of votes Tamogami received in the 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial election, calling his views "peculiar."
• Academics**: Scholars such as Ninji Kasahara, Atsushi Koketsu, Satoshi Uesugi, Setsu Kobayashi, and Asao Mizushima have publicly criticized Tamogami's understanding of modern history as "low-level" and factually incorrect.
• Defense Officials**: Satoru Ota, a former official of the Japan Defense Agency, described Tamogami as "incompetent" and not meeting "the global standard for a general-class military officer," citing the poor quality and inconsistent logic of his essay. The Ministry of Defense itself, in a 2008 report, emphasized the need for SDF members, especially senior officers, to exercise "self-discipline" and be mindful of their social standing, implicitly criticizing Tamogami's conduct.

11.3. Media and Public Criticism

Major Japanese media outlets have consistently criticized Tamogami for his controversial views and actions.

• Newspapers**: Following his dismissal, numerous newspapers across Japan, including the Asahi Shimbun, Mainichi Shimbun, Yomiuri Shimbun, Nikkei Shimbun, and regional papers like the Hokkaido Shimbun and Ryukyu Shimpo, condemned his historical revisionism and questioned the implications for civilian control of the military. They argued that his statements were "inappropriate" for a top military official and demonstrated a disregard for official government positions. The Chugoku Shimbun criticized Tamogami's use of "freedom of speech" as a defense, arguing that it is a right meant to protect the weak, not to allow powerful figures to spread personal, controversial views.
• Conspiracy Theories**: His claims that Chiang Kai-shek and Franklin D. Roosevelt were manipulated by the Comintern to draw Japan into war have been widely dismissed as conspiracy theories by critics.
• Controversial Statements**: His remarks on the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant disaster, downplaying radiation risks, and his victim-blaming comments regarding the Okinawa rape incident, have drawn particular condemnation for their insensitivity and inaccuracies.
• Legal Troubles**: His arrest and conviction for campaign finance violations further damaged his public image, with some former supporters, like Naoki Hyakuta, publicly distancing themselves due to the "shameful" nature of the "money issue."

11.4. Criticism from China

The Chinese government and its state media have consistently and strongly criticized Toshio Tamogami's views. The Global Times, an international edition of the People's Daily, described him as a "notorious right-wing figure" who denies Japan's history of aggression and "publicly spreads the China threat theory." In January 2014, ahead of the Tokyo gubernatorial election, Chinese media expressed alarm at his candidacy, stating that he was "extremely detrimental to our country" and urging "conscientious Japanese media" to work to prevent his election. They viewed his support for Yasukuni Shrine visits, the creation of a "national defense army," and military expansion as hostile actions.