Sirimavo Bandaranaike

1.1. Birth and Family

Sirimavo Bandaranaike was born Sirima Ratwatte on April 17, 1916, at Ellawala Walawwa, her aunt's residence in Ratnapura, British Ceylon. Her mother was Rosalind Hilda Mahawalatenne Kumarihamy, an informal Ayurvedic physician, and her father was Barnes Ratwatte, a prominent native headman and politician. Her maternal grandfather, Mahawalatenne, and later her father, served as Rate Mahatmaya, a native headman of Balangoda. The Ratwatte family belonged to the Radala chieftains of the Kingdom of Kandy, with a long history of service to Sinhalese monarchs. Her paternal uncle, Sir Jayatilaka Cudah Ratwatte, was the first person from Kandy to receive a British knighthood. Another ancestor, Ratwatte, Dissawa of Matale, was a signatory of the 1815 Kandyan Convention.

Sirima was the eldest of six children, with four brothers-Barnes Jr., Seevali, Mackie, and Clifford-and one sister, Patricia, who married Colonel Edward James Divitotawela, founder of the Central Command of the Ceylon Army. The family initially resided at her maternal grandfather's colonial manor house, Mahawalatenne Walawwa, and later at their own walawwa in Balangoda. From a young age, Sirima had access to her grandfather's extensive library of literary and scientific works.

1.2. Education

Bandaranaike's education began at a private kindergarten in Balangoda. In 1923, she briefly attended the primary classes of Ferguson High School in Ratnapura before being sent to boarding school at St Bridget's Convent, Colombo, an English-medium Catholic school in Colombo. Despite her Catholic schooling, Sirima remained a practicing Buddhist throughout her life. She became fluent in both English and Sinhala. She completed her schooling at the age of 19.

1.3. Social Work

After completing her education, Sirima Ratwatte dedicated herself to social work. She distributed food and medicine to remote jungle villages, organized clinics, and helped establish rural industries to improve the living standards of village women. She served as the treasurer of the Social Service League until 1940.

In 1941, Bandaranaike joined the Lanka Mahila Samiti (Lankan Women's Association), the country's largest women's voluntary organization. She actively participated in numerous social projects initiated by the Mahila Samiti aimed at empowering rural women and providing disaster relief. One of her initial projects was an agricultural program designed to address food production shortages, where she met with farming experts to develop new methods for increasing rice crop yields. Over time, Bandaranaike rose through the ranks of Mahila Samiti, serving as treasurer, vice-president, and eventually president, focusing on critical issues such as girls' education, women's political rights, and family planning. She was also a member of the All Ceylon Buddhist Women's Association, the Cancer Society, the Ceylon National Association for the Prevention of Tuberculosis, and the Nurses Welfare Association.

2.1. Marriage to S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike

On October 2, 1940, Sirima Ratwatte married Solomon West Ridgeway Dias (S.W.R.D.) Bandaranaike at the Mahawelatenne Walawwa. Their wedding was widely publicized as "the wedding of the century" due to its grandeur. Solomon Bandaranaike was an Oxford-educated lawyer who had transitioned into politics, serving as the Minister of Local Administration in the State Council of Ceylon at the time of their marriage.

Initially, the marriage was met with some reservations from the aristocratic Ratwatte family, who viewed the wealthy low-country Bandaranaikes as having served colonial rulers for centuries, unlike their own lineage of service to the traditional royal family. However, astrologers deemed their horoscopes compatible, and the strategic benefits of uniting the two prominent families were ultimately weighed favorably by the Ratwatte family. The couple, who had met previously, were in agreement with the arranged union.

The newly married couple first resided at Wendtworth in Colombo's Guildford Crescent, which they rented. In 1946, S.W.R.D.'s father purchased Tintagel at Rosmead Place in Colombo for them. From then on, the family divided their time between Tintagel and S.W.R.D.'s ancestral manor, Horagolla Walawwa. For the next two decades, Sirima Bandaranaike primarily dedicated herself to raising her family and serving as hostess to her husband's extensive network of political acquaintances.

2.2. Children

Sirimavo and S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike had three children, all of whom later pursued prominent careers in Sri Lankan politics and public life:

• Sunethra (born 1943)
• Chandrika (born 1945)
• Anura (born 1949)

All three children received their education abroad: Sunethra studied at Oxford, Chandrika at the University of Paris, and Anura at the University of London. Upon their return to Sri Lanka, they all held significant positions within the government. Sunethra served as her mother's political secretary in the 1970s and later became a notable philanthropist. Chandrika went on to become the fifth President of Sri Lanka, and Anura served as a Member of Parliament and held ministerial portfolios, including Minister of Tourism and Minister of Higher Education.

3.1. Husband's Assassination and Succession

As Ceylon moved toward self-governing status in 1947, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike became increasingly active in the nationalist movement. He was elected to the House of Representatives from the Attanagalla Electoral District and appointed Minister of Health and Leader of the House. However, he grew frustrated with the internal workings and policies of the United National Party (UNP). In 1951, Sirimavo persuaded him to resign from the UNP and establish the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). She actively campaigned for him in his Attanagalla constituency during the 1952 parliamentary election, while he traveled the country to gather support. Although the SLFP initially won only nine seats, S.W.R.D. was elected to Parliament and became Leader of the Opposition.

In 1956, Prime Minister Sir John Kotelawala called for fresh elections. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike formed the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP), a broad four-party coalition, to contest the elections. Sirimavo once again campaigned for her husband in Attanagalla, her hometown of Balangoda, and in Ratnapura for the SLFP. The MEP achieved a landslide victory, and S.W.R.D. became prime minister.

On September 25, 1959, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike was shot multiple times at his home in Rosmead Place by a Buddhist monk who was disgruntled over what he perceived as a lack of support for traditional medicine. Sirimavo accompanied her husband to the hospital, where he succumbed to his wounds the following day.

The assassination plunged the country into political chaos under the caretaker government of Wijeyananda Dahanayake. Many cabinet ministers were removed, and some were arrested and tried for the assassination. The Mahajana Eksath Peramuna coalition collapsed without S.W.R.D.'s influence, leading to elections being called for March 1960 to fill the vacant Attanagalla constituency seat. Sirimavo initially and reluctantly agreed to run as an independent candidate, but before the election could be held, Parliament was dissolved, and she ultimately decided not to contest the seat.

In the March 1960 election, the United National Party won a four-seat majority over the SLFP. However, Dudley Senanayake, the new prime minister, was defeated within a month in a vote of confidence, prompting a second general election to be called for July 1960.

3.2. Leadership of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)

In May 1960, the executive committee of the SLFP unanimously elected Sirimavo Bandaranaike as party president, though she remained undecided about running in the July election. By early June, she was actively campaigning, promising to uphold her late husband's policies. These included establishing a republic, enacting a law to establish Sinhala as the official language of the country, and recognizing the predominance of Buddhism while tolerating the use of their own language and Hindu faith by the estate Tamils. Her emotional speeches, often punctuated by tears as she pledged to continue her husband's legacy, earned her the moniker "The Weeping Widow" from her opponents.

Bandaranaike's long tenure as the leader of the SLFP, from 1960 to 1994, saw her guide the party through numerous elections and significant political shifts. Her leadership was instrumental in returning the party to power and shaping its ideological direction for decades.

4.1. Becoming the World's First Female Prime Minister

On July 21, 1960, following a landslide victory for the Freedom Party, Sirimavo Bandaranaike was sworn in as the world's first female prime minister. She also held the portfolios of Minister of Defence and External Affairs. As she was not an elected member of parliament at the time, but the leader of the party holding the majority in parliament, the constitution required her to become a member of Parliament within three months to continue holding office. To facilitate this, Manameldura Piyadasa de Zoysa resigned his seat in the Senate. On August 5, 1960, Governor General Goonetilleke officially appointed Bandaranaike to the Senate, the upper house of Parliament.

Initially, Bandaranaike faced challenges in navigating the complex issues confronting the country, often relying on her cabinet member and nephew, Felix Dias Bandaranaike. Opponents made dismissive comments about her "kitchen cabinet," and she continued to face similar sexism throughout her time in office.

4.2. Key Policies and Reforms

During her first term, Bandaranaike's government pursued an ambitious agenda of nationalization and social reform, largely continuing her late husband's socialist vision.

• Economic Nationalization:** To further her husband's policy of nationalizing key sectors of the economy, Bandaranaike established a corporation with public-private shareholders, taking control of seven newspapers. She nationalized banking, foreign trade, and insurance, as well as the petroleum industry. By taking over the Bank of Ceylon and establishing branches of the newly created People's Bank, Bandaranaike aimed to provide banking services to communities that previously lacked them, thereby stimulating local business development.
• Educational Reforms:** In December 1960, Bandaranaike nationalized all parochial schools that were receiving state funding. This action curtailed the influence of the Catholic minority, who often belonged to the economic and political elite, and simultaneously extended the influence of Buddhist groups.
• Language Policy:** In January 1961, Bandaranaike implemented a law that made Sinhala the official language, replacing English. This policy was a cornerstone of her government's efforts to promote Sinhalese cultural identity.

4.3. Social and Ethnic Issues

Bandaranaike's policies, particularly the language act, generated significant social and ethnic tensions.

• Tamil Discontent:** The law establishing Sinhala as the official language caused widespread discontent among the more than two million Tamil-speakers in the country. Urged by members of the Federal Party, a campaign of civil disobedience began in provinces with Tamil majorities. Bandaranaike responded by declaring a state of emergency and deploying troops to restore order.
• Statelessness of Indian Tamils:** The majority of the estate Tamils had been brought to Ceylon from India by British authorities as plantation workers. Many Ceylonese regarded them as temporary immigrants, despite generations of residence in Ceylon. With Ceylon's independence, the Citizenship Act of 1948 excluded these Indian Tamils from citizenship, rendering them stateless. While S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike's policy toward stateless Tamils had been moderate, his successor, Dudley Senanayake, was the first to recommend compulsory repatriation. Bandaranaike's Sinhalese nationalist policies, including the language act, further exacerbated discontent among both native and estate Tamil populations.

4.4. Domestic and Foreign Politics

Bandaranaike's first term was marked by significant domestic challenges, including a coup attempt, and an active foreign policy that positioned Ceylon as a key player in the global non-aligned movement.

• Domestic Issues and 1962 Coup Attempt:** Beginning in 1961, trade unions initiated a series of strikes protesting high inflation and taxes. A transport strike, for example, led Bandaranaike to nationalize the transport board. In January 1962, conflicts intensified between the established, predominantly right-wing Westernized urban Christians (including large contingents of Burghers and Tamils) and the emerging native elite, who were primarily leftist Sinhala-speaking Buddhists. Bandaranaike's policies led to a shift away from the Anglophilic class system and power structures, significantly influencing the composition of the civil service, armed forces, and police officer corps.

Some military officers plotted a coup d'état, which included plans to detain Bandaranaike and her cabinet members at the Army Headquarters. The plot was uncovered when police official Stanley Senanayake informed his father-in-law, Patrick de Silva Kularatne, who then alerted the IGP. Felix Dias Bandaranaike and members of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) swiftly questioned military personnel, exposing the conspiracy before it could begin. The trial for the 24 accused conspirators was lengthy and complex. The retroactive Criminal Law Special Provision Act of 1962, which allowed the consideration of hearsay evidence, was passed to aid in their conviction. Although rumors circulated against the Governor General, Sir Oliver Goonatillake, there was no concrete evidence against him. He was replaced by Bandaranaike's uncle, William Gopallawa, in February, and Goonatillake subsequently left Ceylon for voluntary exile.

• Foreign Policy and Non-Aligned Movement:** Bandaranaike pursued a foreign policy of neutrality, aiming to balance East-West interests. She strengthened Ceylon's relationship with China while severing ties with Israel. She worked to maintain good relations with both India and Russia, while also preserving ties with British interests through tea exports and supporting links with the World Bank. Condemning South Africa's apartheid policy, Bandaranaike appointed ambassadors to and sought relationships with other African nations. In 1961, she attended both the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference in London and the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in Belgrade, SFR Yugoslavia, making Sri Lanka one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement.

She played a crucial role in de-escalating tensions between India and China following their 1962 border dispute, which erupted into the Sino-Indian War. In November and December of that year, Bandaranaike convened conferences in Colombo with delegates from Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Ghana, and the United Arab Republic to discuss the dispute. She then traveled with Ghanaian Justice Minister Kofi Ofori-Atta to India and Peking, China, in an effort to broker peace. In January 1963, their efforts were rewarded in New Delhi when Jawaharlal Nehru, the Indian Prime Minister, agreed to propose the settlement Bandaranaike had advocated for in the Indian Parliament.

• Economic Challenges and Further Nationalization:** Despite her international successes, Bandaranaike faced mounting domestic difficulties. She was criticized for her close ties with China and the perceived lack of effective economic development policies. Tensions remained high over the government's apparent favoritism towards Sinhala-speaking Ceylonese Buddhists. The country's import-export imbalance, exacerbated by inflation, negatively impacted the purchasing power of middle- and lower-class citizens. Gains made by the United National Party in mid-year by-elections indicated a decline in her public support.

The lack of support for austerity measures, particularly the inability to import sufficient rice (the main dietary staple), led to the resignation of Minister Felix Dias Bandaranaike. Other cabinet ministers were reassigned in an attempt to curb the growing shift towards Soviet trade partnerships, which had gained momentum after the creation of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. This corporation, launched in 1961, aimed to bypass the monopolistic pricing imposed on Middle Eastern oil imports, allowing Ceylon to import oil from the United Arab Republic and the Soviet Union. While some storage facilities of Western oil companies were co-opted with compensation agreements, ongoing disputes over non-payment resulted in the suspension of foreign aid from the United States in February 1963. In response, Parliament passed the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation Amendment Act, nationalizing all distribution, import-export, sales, and supply of most oil products in the country from January 1964.
Also in 1964, Bandaranaike's government abolished the independent Ceylon Civil Service and replaced it with the Ceylon Administrative Service, which was subject to government influence. To shore up support, Bandaranaike moved further left, seeking to gain the backing of the United Left Front coalition, formed in late 1963 by the Communist, Revolutionary Socialist, and Trotskyist Parties. In February 1964, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai visited Bandaranaike in Ceylon, offering aid, gifts of rice and textiles, and discussing expanded trade. The two leaders also discussed the Sino-Indian border dispute and nuclear disarmament. The ties with China were particularly attractive as Bandaranaike's recent formal recognition of East Germany had led to the elimination of incoming aid from West Germany, and her nationalization of the insurance industry had strained relationships with Australia, Britain, and Canada.

• Sirima-Shastri Pact and Electoral Defeat:** In preparation for the second Non-Aligned Conference, Bandaranaike hosted presidents Tito and Nasser in Colombo in March 1964. However, continued domestic unrest forced her to suspend parliamentary sessions until July. In the interim, she formed a coalition with the United Left Front, narrowly securing her majority by a margin of three seats.

In September 1964, Bandaranaike led a delegation to India to discuss the repatriation of the 975,000 stateless Tamils residing in Ceylon. Alongside Indian Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, she finalized the terms of the Sirima-Shastri Pact, a landmark agreement for the foreign policy of both nations. Under the agreement, Ceylon was to grant citizenship to 300,000 Tamils and their descendants, while India was to repatriate 525,000 stateless Tamils. For the remaining 150,000, both parties agreed to negotiate terms over a 15-year period. In October, Bandaranaike attended and co-sponsored the Non-Aligned Conference held in Cairo.
In December 1964, her United Front government introduced the "Press Take Over Bill," an attempt to nationalize the country's newspapers. Opponents and critics claimed this move was designed to muzzle the free press and target her major critic, the Lake House Group, led by press baron Esmond Wickremesinghe. Wickremesinghe responded with a campaign to remove her from office, advocating for press freedom. On December 3, 1964, C. P. de Silva, a former deputy of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, led thirteen SLFP parliamentarians in crossing over to the opposition, citing the Press Take Over Bill. Sirimavo Bandaranaike's government subsequently lost the throne speech by a single vote, leading to a general election in March 1965. Her political coalition was defeated in the 1965 elections, bringing an end to her first term as prime minister.

5.1. Parliamentary Activities

In the 1965 elections, Bandaranaike successfully won a seat in the House of Representatives from the Attanagalla Electoral District. With her party securing 41 seats, she became the Leader of the Opposition, marking her as the first woman ever to hold this post. Dudley Senanayake was sworn in as prime minister on March 25, 1965.

Shortly after, Bandaranaike's position as a member of parliament was challenged amid allegations that she had accepted a bribe, in the form of a car, while in office. A committee was appointed to investigate the claims, and she was later cleared of the charge.

5.2. Party Rebuilding and Campaigning

During her five-year term in opposition, Bandaranaike maintained her alliance with leftist parties. The opposition, under her leadership, demonstrated strength by winning six of the seven by-elections held between November 1966 and April 1967.

The country continued to face widespread discontent due to persistent inflation, a trade imbalance, high unemployment, and the failure of anticipated foreign aid to materialize. These issues were further exacerbated by austerity measures, including a reduction in the weekly rice stipend. By 1969, Bandaranaike was actively campaigning to return to power. Among her pledges, she promised to provide two measures of rice per household, nationalize foreign banks and the import-export industry, establish watchgroups to monitor business and government corruption, revert to a foreign policy that leaned away from "imperialist" partners, and convene a Constituent Assembly tasked with drafting a new Constitution.

6.1. Second Term and Constitutional Reform

Bandaranaike returned to power after the United Front coalition, comprising the Communist Party, the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, and her own Freedom Party, won the 1970 elections with a large majority in May 1970.

By July, she had convened a Constitutional Assembly to replace the British-drafted constitution with one formulated by the Ceylonese themselves. She introduced policies requiring that permanent secretaries in government ministries possess expertise in their respective divisions; for example, those in the Ministry of Housing had to be trained engineers, and those in the Ministry of Health, medical practitioners. All government employees were permitted to join Workers' Councils, and at the local level, she established People's Committees to facilitate public input on government administration. These changes were intended to remove remnants of British colonial and foreign influence from the country's institutions.

In May 1972, Ceylon was officially replaced by the Republic of Sri Lanka after a new Constitution was ratified. Although the country remained within the Commonwealth of Nations, Queen Elizabeth II was no longer recognized as its sovereign. Under the terms of this new constitution, the Senate, which had been suspended since 1971, was formally abolished, and a new unicameral National State Assembly was created, consolidating the powers of the executive, judicial, and legislative branches into a single authority.

The constitution recognized the supremacy of Buddhism, while also guaranteeing equal protection to Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Islam. However, it notably omitted a charter of inalienable rights, recognized Sinhala as the sole official language, and contained no "elements of federalism." The new constitution also extended Bandaranaike's term by two years, resetting the mandated five-year term of the prime minister to coincide with the creation of the republic. These extensions and limitations raised concerns among various segments of the population, particularly those uneasy about authoritarian rule, and the Tamil-speaking population. Before the month's end, this discontent escalated, leading to the passage of the Justices Commission Bill, which established separate tribunals to deal with the imprisoned insurgents from the previous year. Opponents of these tribunals argued that they violated human rights principles. By July, sporadic incidents of violence began to resurface, and by the end of the year, a second wave of revolt was anticipated. Widespread unemployment fueled public disillusionment with the government, despite land redistribution programs enacted to establish farming cooperatives and limit the size of privately held lands.

6.2. Economic Policies and Crisis

Bandaranaike's second term was significantly shaped by her economic policies and a global crisis that severely impacted Sri Lanka.
Facing budget deficits of 195.00 M USD-caused by rising energy and food-importation costs and declining revenue from coconut, rubber, and tea exports-Bandaranaike attempted to centralize the economy and implement price controls. Pressured by the leftist members of her coalition to nationalize foreign banks of British, Indian, and Pakistani origin, she recognized that doing so would impact the country's need for credit. As in her previous term, she sought to balance the flow of foreign assistance from both capitalist and communist partners.

In December 1970, the Business Undertaking Acquisition Act was passed, allowing the state to nationalize any business with more than 100 employees. Ostensibly, this move aimed to reduce foreign control of key tea and rubber production, but it ultimately stunted both domestic and foreign investment in industry and development. In 1972, Bandaranaike introduced major land reforms, enacting the Land Reform Act No. 01 of 1972, which imposed a ceiling of 49 acre ^{(20 ha)} on privately owned land. This was followed by the Land Reform (Amendment) Act in 1975, which nationalized plantations owned by public companies. The primary objective of these reforms was to grant land to landless peasants. Critics, however, claimed that the second wave of reforms specifically targeted wealthy landowners who had traditionally supported the United National Party. As a result of these reforms, the state became the largest plantation owner, and three entities-the Sri Lanka State Plantations Corporation, the Janatha Estate Development Board (People's Estate Development Board), and USAWASAMA (Upcountry Cooperative Estate Development Board)-were established to manage these estates. In the years following these land reforms, the production of key export crops, upon which Sri Lanka depended for foreign currency, experienced a decline.

The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy. Still dependent on foreign assistance, goods, and monetary aid from Australia, Canada, China, Denmark, Hungary, and the World Bank, Bandaranaike eased austerity programs that had limited the importation of consumer goods. The United States terminated aid grants, which required no repayment, and shifted to a policy of providing foreign loans. The devaluation of the Sri Lankan currency, coupled with inflation and high taxes, slowed economic growth, consequently creating cyclical pressure to address deficits with even higher taxes and austerity measures. Uncontrolled inflation between 1973 and 1974 led to widespread economic uncertainty and public dissatisfaction.

6.3. Social Unrest and Suppression

Despite Bandaranaike's efforts to address the country's economic problems, unemployment and inflation remained unchecked. After just 16 months in power, Bandaranaike's government was almost toppled by the 1971 Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna Insurrection of left-wing youths. Although aware of the militant stance of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (People's Liberation Front), Bandaranaike's administration initially failed to recognize them as an imminent threat, dismissing them as mere idealists.

On March 6, militants attacked the U.S. Embassy in Colombo, leading to the declaration of a state of emergency on March 17. In early April, attacks on police stations revealed a well-planned insurgency that Ceylon's small army was ill-equipped to handle. Calling on its allies for assistance, the government was largely saved due to Bandaranaike's neutral foreign policy. The Soviet Union sent aircraft to support the Ceylonese government; arms and equipment arrived from Britain, the United Arab Republic, the United States, and Yugoslavia; medical supplies were provided by East and West Germany, Norway, and Poland; patrol boats were sent from India; and both India and Pakistan dispatched troops. On May 1, Bandaranaike suspended government offensives and offered an amnesty, which resulted in thousands of surrenders. A second amnesty was offered the following month. Bandaranaike established a National Committee of Reconstruction to re-establish civil authority and provide a strategic plan for dealing with captured or surrendered insurgents. One of Bandaranaike's first actions after the conflict was to expel North Korean diplomats, as she suspected they had fomented the radical discontent. The saying "She was the only man in her cabinet"-attributed to her political opponents in the 1960s-resurfaced during the height of the insurgency, as Bandaranaike proved that she had become a "formidable political force."

In 1974, Bandaranaike forced the shut-down of the last independent newspaper group, The Sun, believing their criticism was fueling unrest. This followed her earlier nationalization of the country's largest newspaper, Lake House, which subsequently became the government's official mouthpiece. Fissures appeared within the United Front coalition, largely stemming from the Lanka Sama Samaja Party's continued influence on trade unions and threats of strike actions throughout 1974 and 1975. When newly confiscated estates were placed under the Ministry of Agriculture and Lands, controlled by the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, fears that they would unionize plantation workers led Bandaranaike to oust them from the government coalition.

6.4. International Relations

Bandaranaike maintained an active and influential role in international affairs during her second term. In September 1970, she attended the third Non-Aligned Conference in Lusaka, Zambia. That month, she also traveled to Paris and London to discuss international trade. Ordering representatives of The Asia Foundation and the Peace Corps to leave the country, Bandaranaike began re-evaluating trade agreements and proposals negotiated by her predecessor. She announced that her government would not recognize Israel until the country peacefully settled its problem with its Arab neighbors. She officially granted recognition to East Germany, North Korea, North Vietnam, and the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. Bandaranaike opposed the development of an Anglo-US communications center in the Indian Ocean, advocating for the area to be a "neutral, nuclear-free zone."

In recognition of International Women's Year in 1975, Bandaranaike created an agency to focus on women's issues, which would later evolve into the Ministry of Women and Child Affairs. She appointed the first woman to serve in the Sri Lankan Cabinet, Siva Obeyesekere, initially as First State Secretary for Health and later as Minister of Health. Bandaranaike was celebrated at the UN World Conference on Women hosted in Mexico City, attending as the only woman prime minister elected in her own right. In 1976, Bandaranaike assumed the one-year term as chair at the 5th Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations, hosting the meeting in Colombo.

Despite her high regard internationally, she continued to struggle domestically under allegations of corruption and nepotism, while the economy continued to decline. In their struggle for recognition, discontented Tamils increasingly turned to separatism. In May 1976, the Vaddukoddai Resolution was adopted by the Tamil United Liberation Front, calling for independent statehood and sovereign autonomy. In the 1977 general elections, the United Front suffered a decisive defeat, winning only six seats.

7.1. Election Defeat and Loss of Civic Rights

Bandaranaike retained her parliamentary seat in Attanagalla in the 1977 general elections. In November 1977, a petition challenging her position as a member of parliament was dismissed by the Colombo High Court. In 1978, a new constitution was ratified, replacing the British-style parliamentary system with a French-style presidential system. Under this constitution, the executive, or President, was elected by a popular vote to serve a six-year term. The president then chose a prime minister to preside over the Cabinet, subject to confirmation by the legislature. This new constitution provided a declaration of fundamental rights, guaranteeing the equality of citizens for the first time, and also recognized Tamil as a national language, though Sinhala remained the administrative language. Despite these provisions aimed at appeasing Tamil separatists, the violence between Tamils and Sinhalese persisted, leading to the passage of the 1979 Prevention of Terrorism Act.

In 1980, a Special Presidential Commission was appointed by President J. R. Jayewardene to investigate allegations against Bandaranaike for abuses of power during her tenure as prime minister. Following the submission of the report to Jayewardene, the United National Party government adopted a motion in parliament on October 16, 1980, to strip Bandaranaike and her nephew, Felix Dias Bandaranaike (who was convicted of corruption), of their civic liberties for a period of seven years. The motion passed by 139 votes in favor and 18 against, easily meeting the required two-thirds threshold. She was consequently expelled from parliament but maintained her role as party leader.

7.2. Party Rebuilding and Opposition Leadership

Despite being the head of the Freedom Party, Bandaranaike was unable to campaign due to the stripping of her civic rights. As a result, her son, Anura, served as the parliamentary party leader. Under Anura's leadership, the Freedom Party shifted towards the right. In response, Bandaranaike's daughter, Chandrika, withdrew from the party and formed the Sri Lanka People's Party with her husband, Vijaya Kumaratunga, with goals centered on rapprochement with the Tamils.

From 1980 onwards, conflict between the government and separatists from various competing groups, including the Tamil Tigers, the People's Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam, the Tamil Eelam Liberation Army, and the Tamil Eelam Liberation Organization, became more frequent and increasingly violent. During local election campaigning in 1981, Tamil extremists assassinated Arumugam Thiagarajah, a prominent United National Party politician. The Tamil United Liberation Front Party called for a boycott of the 1982 presidential elections. Insurgents supported the ban, arguing that cooperation with the government legitimized its policies and conflicted with the desire for an independent Tamil state. In 1983, insurgent Tamils ambushed an army patrol, killing thirteen soldiers. Retaliatory violence by Sinhalese mobs sparked riots against non-insurgent Tamils and their property throughout the country, an event later referred to as Black July.

Jayewardene's shift towards free markets and a focus on economic growth negatively impacted Tamil farmers in the north by removing trade protections. Similarly, these policies adversely affected southern Sinhalese businesses facing competition from Indian markets, as well as the urban poor, whose food subsidies were significantly reduced. Massive government spending for economic development created budget deficits and inflation, alarming the World Bank and International Monetary Fund administrators. In turn, donor agencies reduced aid to persuade the government to control spending. The acceleration of the Mahaweli Development programme increased employment and stabilized the food supply, also reducing dependence on foreign energy supplies with the completion of four hydropower-generating facilities. However, the focus on building the economy and infrastructure failed to adequately address social issues. For example, the rural housing initiative-which built some 100,000 new homes by 1984-polarized communities because housing was distributed based on political alliance rather than need. Privatization of industry after 1982 created significant disparities between the rich and poor, and inflation returned, making goods difficult to procure and lowering the standard of living.

In January 1986, Bandaranaike's civil rights were restored by a presidential decree issued by Jayewardene. The conflict between the government and the separatists, which had escalated since 1983, transformed into a Civil War by 1987. Jayewardene showed little sympathy for the issues concerning the Tamils, instead blaming the unrest on left-wing factions plotting a government overthrow. Breakdowns in negotiations with the rebels eventually led Jayewardene to authorize the intervention of the Indian Government. Signed in 1987, The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord outlined terms of a truce between the Sri Lankan Government and the rebels, authorizing the Indian Peace Keeping Force to occupy the country in an attempt to promote disarmament. Bandaranaike and the Freedom Party opposed the introduction of Indian troops, believing the government had betrayed its own people by allowing India to intervene on behalf of the Tamils. As a reaction to state-sanctioned violence and a desire for nationalist focus, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna militants re-emerged in the south. Against this backdrop, Bandaranaike decided to run in the 1988 presidential election. She was narrowly defeated by Ranasinghe Premadasa, who succeeded Jayewardene as president.

On February 6, 1989, while campaigning for the Freedom Party in the 1989 general election, Bandaranaike survived a bombing attack. Although she was unscathed, one of her aides suffered leg injuries. In the final results on the 19th, the Freedom Party was defeated by the United National Party under Ranasinghe Premadasa, but gained 67 seats, sufficient for Bandaranaike to assume the post of Leader of the Opposition for a second term. She was successfully re-elected to parliament in the Gampaha Electoral District. The same year, the government crushed the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna rebels, killing some 30,000 to 70,000 of them, rather than opting for trials or imprisonment as Bandaranaike had done in 1971.

In 1990, when the 13-month ceasefire was broken by the Tamil Tigers after other militias surrendered their weapons, the government decided to break off negotiations with the Tigers and employ a military solution. Her son, Anura, supported the move, but Bandaranaike spoke against the plan. When emergency powers were assumed by the president, she demanded that the state of emergency be lifted, accusing the government of human rights abuses. During her tenure as opposition leader, she supported the impeachment of Premadasa in 1991, which was led by senior United National Party members such as Lalith Athulathmudali and Gamini Dissanayake. The impeachment failed, as Premadasa adjourned Parliament and the Speaker M. H. Mohamed dismissed the motion for impeachment, stating there were not enough signatures supporting it.

Bandaranaike's daughter, Chandrika Kumaratunga, who had been living in self-imposed exile in London since 1988 (when her husband had been assassinated), returned to Sri Lanka and rejoined the Freedom Party in 1991. In the same year, Bandaranaike, who was increasingly impaired by arthritis, suffered a stroke. In 1992, Premadasa Udugampola, head of the Bureau of Special Operations, was forced to retire after an international outcry over human rights abuses surfaced. Udugampola provided a written statement that the death squads used against rebels had been backed by the government. Bandaranaike came out in support of his evidence, but Udugampola was charged for cultivating public hostility against the government.

When President Premadasa was assassinated by a suicide bomber on May 1, 1993, his Prime Minister Dingiri Banda Wijetunga was sworn in as acting president and nominated to complete the president's unexpired term until January 2, 1995. The members of Parliament were required to vote on the succession within a month. Due to her failing health, Bandaranaike chose not to run for the presidency, but to continue as opposition leader, and Wijetunga ran unopposed. Wijetunga convinced Bandaranaike's son, Anura, to defect to the United National Party and rewarded him with an appointment as Minister of Higher Education. His defection left Bandaranaike and Kumaratunga in charge of the Freedom Party.

Due to her mother's declining health, Kumaratunga led the formation of a new coalition, the People's Alliance (PA), to contest the 1993 provincial election in the Western Province of Sri Lanka in May. The alliance won a landslide victory, and Kumaratunga was appointed as the chief minister in 1993. Subsequently, the coalition led by Kumaratunga also won the southern provincial council elections. Kumaratunga led the People's Alliance campaign for the 1994 parliamentary election, as her mother was recovering from surgery. The Alliance won a decisive victory, and Bandaranaike announced that Kumaratunga would become prime minister. By this time, Kumaratunga had also succeeded her as the leader of the Freedom Party. Mentally alert but suffering from a foot ailment and complications from diabetes, Bandaranaike was largely confined to a wheelchair. Having been re-elected to parliament, she was appointed to her daughter's cabinet as a Minister without Portfolio at the swearing-in ceremony held on August 19, 1994.

8.1. Third Term in Office

In the presidential election that followed in November, Chandrika Kumaratunga's main political rival, Gamini Dissanayake, was assassinated two weeks before the election. His widow, Srima Dissanayake, was chosen as the United National Party's presidential candidate. Kumaratunga's lead was predicted to be around a million votes even before the assassination; she won the election by a wide margin.

Becoming the first female President of Sri Lanka, Kumaratunga appointed her mother as prime minister. Under the terms of the 1978 constitution, this meant Bandaranaike was responsible for defense and foreign affairs. Although the office of prime minister had largely become a ceremonial post, Bandaranaike's influence within the Freedom Party remained strong. While they generally agreed on policy, Kumaratunga and Bandaranaike reportedly differed on leadership style. By 2000, Kumaratunga expressed a desire for a younger prime minister, and Bandaranaike, citing health reasons, stepped down in August 2000.

8.2. Later Years and Retirement

Bandaranaike's health continued to decline in her later years, marked by complications from diabetes and arthritis that confined her to a wheelchair. She retired from politics in August 2000, two months prior to her death.

9.1. Death and National Mourning

Sirimavo Bandaranaike died on October 10, 2000, of a heart attack at Kadawatha, as she was heading home to Colombo. She had just cast her vote in the parliamentary election, which had been held earlier that day. Sri Lanka declared two days of national mourning, and state radio stations abandoned their regular programming to play funeral laments. Bandaranaike's remains lay in state in the parliament, and her funeral subsequently took place at Horagolla, where she was interred in the mausoleum, Horagolla Bandaranaike Samadhi, originally built for her husband.

9.2. Commemoration and Legacy

At a time in history when the idea of a woman leading a country was almost unthinkable to the public, Bandaranaike helped raise the global perception of women's capabilities. In addition to her own contributions to Sri Lanka, her children became deeply involved in the development of the country. All three children held nationally prominent positions; in addition to Anura and Chandrika's roles in government, Bandaranaike's daughter Sunethra worked as her political secretary in the 1970s and later became a philanthropist. The Bandaranaike marriage itself helped break down social barriers in Sri Lanka over the years through the Socialist policies they enacted.

During her three terms in office, Bandaranaike led the country away from its colonial past and into its political independence as a republic. Implementing socialist policies during the Cold War, she attempted to nationalize key sectors of the economy and undertake land reforms to benefit the native population, desiring to end the political favoritism enjoyed by the Western-educated elites. A major goal of her policies was to reduce the ethnic and socio-economic disparities in the country, though her failure to adequately address the needs of the Tamil population led to decades of strife and violence in the country. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Bandaranaike brought Sri Lanka to prominence among the nations which sought to remain neutral to the influence of the superpowers. She worked to forge alliances between the countries in the Global South, and sought to resolve issues diplomatically, opposing nuclear expansion.

In 2023, a documentary film chronicling her life story, titled Our Mother, Grandmother, Prime Minister: Sirimavo, was released. The film is portrayed through conversations with her two daughters, Sunethra and Chandrika, as well as two of her grandchildren. It also contains personal accounts from long-standing members of the Ceylon Administrative Service, who were part of her cabinet. The film won Best Documentary at the 21st Dhaka International Film Festival.

9.3. Impact on Women's Political Participation

Despite Bandaranaike's notability as the world's first woman prime minister, political scholars have commented that Bandaranaike was symbolically powerful, but ultimately had little direct impact on women's political representation in Sri Lanka. Although Bandaranaike expressed pride in her status as a woman leader, considering herself a "Mother of the People," she did not place much personal or political emphasis on women's issues. Her election as prime minister did not significantly increase the number of women in Sri Lankan politics. Her appointment of the first woman minister, Siva Obeyesekere, to the Sri Lankan Cabinet in 1976, was less revolutionary due to the fact that Obeyesekere was a relative of Bandaranaike's, fitting a pattern of Bandaranaike appointing family members to high government positions.

By 1994, even though Bandaranaike and her daughter Kumaratunga held the top political positions of prime minister and president, Sri Lanka continued to have some of the lowest political participation rates for women out of any Asian country. In 2010, on the 50th anniversary of Bandaranaike's election as the world's first female prime minister, Sri Lankan parliamentarian Rosy Senanayake told the press that Sri Lanka had not made significant progress towards gender equality in politics, with only 4.5 percent of parliamentarians being women. Senanayake had earlier called for a "special quota" to achieve better gender representation; such a quota, reserving 25% of all legislative seats for women, was passed in 2016.

10.1. Economic Policy Criticisms

Bandaranaike's socialist economic policies, while aiming to reduce disparities and benefit the native population, faced significant criticism. Her governments were plagued by high inflation and taxes, a dependence on food imports to feed the populace, and high unemployment. Critics argued that her nationalization of key economic sectors, including banking, foreign trade, insurance, petroleum, and various businesses, along with land reforms, stifled both domestic and foreign investment in industry and development. This led to a decline in the production of key export crops, which were vital for Sri Lanka's foreign currency earnings.

The 1973 oil crisis had a traumatic effect on the Sri Lankan economy, which was still heavily dependent on foreign assistance. Despite receiving aid from various countries and the World Bank, Bandaranaike's government faced challenges. The devaluation of the Sri Lankan currency, coupled with inflation and high taxes, slowed economic growth, creating a cycle of deficits and further austerity measures. Uncontrolled inflation between 1973 and 1974 led to widespread economic uncertainty and public dissatisfaction. Later, J. R. Jayewardene's free market policies, while initially improving the economy, were also criticized for hurting Tamil farmers in the north by removing trade protections, negatively impacting southern Sinhalese businesses facing competition from Indian markets, and reducing food subsidies for the urban poor. Massive government spending during this period also created budget deficits and inflation, raising alarms with international financial institutions.

10.2. Ethnic Conflict Policies

A significant area of criticism against Bandaranaike's policies concerns their impact on ethnic relations, particularly with the Tamil population. Her government's decision in January 1961 to make Sinhala the sole official language, replacing English, caused widespread discontent among Tamil-speakers and was seen as a discriminatory act that limited their access to official posts and the legal system. This policy exacerbated existing ethnic tensions and contributed to the rise of Tamil militancy.

Furthermore, the Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 had rendered many Indian Tamils stateless, and Bandaranaike's policies did not adequately address their needs, contributing to their marginalization. Despite the 1978 constitution later recognizing Tamil as a national language, the underlying ethnic violence persisted, leading to the passage of the 1979 Prevention of Terrorism Act. Critics argue that while her goal was to reduce ethnic and socio-economic disparities, her failure to fully address the needs of the Tamil population contributed to decades of strife and violence in the country, including the protracted Sri Lankan Civil War.

10.3. Authoritarian Tendencies

Bandaranaike also faced criticism regarding alleged authoritarian practices during her time in power. Following the implementation of the Sinhala-only language law, she declared a state of emergency and deployed troops to suppress civil disobedience campaigns by Tamil majorities. After the 1962 coup attempt, her government passed the retroactive Criminal Law Special Provision Act of 1962, which allowed for the consideration of hearsay evidence, a move criticized for undermining due process.

The 1972 constitution, drafted under her leadership, extended her term by two years and consolidated executive, judicial, and legislative powers into a single National State Assembly. These limits and the lack of a comprehensive bill of rights raised concerns about authoritarian rule. The subsequent passage of the Justices Commission Bill, establishing separate tribunals for imprisoned insurgents, was also criticized as a violation of human rights principles. In 1974, she forced the shut-down of The Sun, the last independent newspaper group, believing its criticism fueled unrest, after having nationalized Lake House, the country's largest newspaper. In 1980, a Special Presidential Commission investigated allegations of abuses of power during her tenure, leading to her being stripped of her civic rights and barred from government for seven years by a parliamentary motion. Later, during the civil war in 1990, when emergency powers were assumed by the president, Bandaranaike publicly demanded that the state of emergency be lifted, accusing the government of human rights abuses, despite her own history of employing such measures.

11.1. On Sri Lankan Politics

Bandaranaike's long-term influence on the Sri Lankan political landscape is profound. She fundamentally altered the trajectory of the nation, guiding it from its colonial past towards political independence as a republic. Her commitment to socialist policies, including widespread nationalization of industries and significant land reforms, aimed to reshape the country's economic structure and reduce socio-economic disparities, though these policies also generated considerable debate and economic challenges. Her efforts to end the political favoritism enjoyed by Western-educated elites contributed to a shift in the country's power dynamics.

Her leadership of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) for over three decades solidified its position as a major political force and shaped its ideological evolution. The Bandaranaike family's deep involvement in politics, with her husband, son, and daughter all holding prominent positions, also established a pattern of dynastic politics in Sri Lanka that continues to influence the political landscape. Her legacy is complex, marked by both progressive social reforms and policies that, inadvertently or otherwise, contributed to the escalation of ethnic tensions.

11.2. International Influence

On the international stage, Sirimavo Bandaranaike was a highly respected figure, particularly within the Non-Aligned Movement. As one of its founding members, she brought Sri Lanka to prominence among nations seeking to remain neutral amidst the influences of the Cold War superpowers. Her commitment to non-alignment and her diplomatic efforts were notable.

She played a key role as a negotiator and leader among the Non-Aligned Nations, actively working to forge alliances between countries in the Global South. Her mediation efforts, such as in reducing tensions between India and China after their 1962 border dispute, showcased her diplomatic skills. She hosted the 5th Conference of the Non-Aligned Nations in Colombo in 1976, further cementing Sri Lanka's role in the movement. Bandaranaike consistently sought to resolve international issues diplomatically and was a vocal opponent of nuclear expansion. Her foreign policy aimed to assert Sri Lanka's sovereignty and independence on the global stage, moving away from alignment with any major power bloc.

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