1. Early Life and Education
Junius Richard Jayewardene's early life was shaped by a prominent family background and a distinguished education, laying the foundation for his future political career.
1.1. Childhood and Family Background
Born in Colombo on 17 September 1906, Junius Richard Jayewardene was the eldest of twelve children in the influential Jayewardene family, which had strong ties to the legal profession. His father was the Hon. Justice Eugene Wilfred Jayewardene KC, a distinguished lawyer. His mother was Agnes Helen Don Philip Wijewardena, daughter of Muhandiram Tudugalage Don Philip Wijewardena, a wealthy timber merchant. Within his family, he was affectionately known as Dickie. His younger brothers included Hector Wilfred Jayewardene, a QC, and Rolly Jayewardene, a FRCP. Among his notable uncles were Colonel Theodore Jayewardene, Justice Valentine Jayewardene, and the influential media baron D. R. Wijewardena. Jayewardene received his primary education at Bishop's College, Colombo, and was raised by an English nanny.
1.2. Education and Early Career
For his secondary education, Jayewardene gained admission to Royal College, Colombo, where he distinguished himself in both academics and sports. He played for the college cricket team, making his debut in the prestigious Royal-Thomian series in 1925. He also captained the rugby team in 1924, participating in the annual "Royal-Trinity Encounter" (which later became known as the Bradby Shield Encounter). Additionally, he served as vice-captain of the football team in 1924 and was a member of the boxing team, earning sports colors. Beyond athletics, he was a Senior Cadet, captain of the debating team, editor of the college magazine, the first Secretary of the Royal College Social Services League in 1921, and the head prefect in 1925. In his later years, he continued his association with sports by serving as president of the Board of Control for Cricket in Sri Lanka, president of the Sinhalese Sports Club, and secretary of the Royal College Union.
Following his family's tradition in law, Jayewardene entered the University College, Colombo in 1926 to pursue an Advocate's course, studying English, Latin, Logic, and Economics for two years. He then enrolled in Ceylon Law College in 1928. While there, he played a key role in forming the College Union, modeled after the Oxford Union, with the assistance of S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike, who had recently returned to Ceylon. Jayewardene excelled academically at the Law College, winning the Hector Jayewardene Gold Medal and the Walter Pereira Prize in 1929. During this period, he also served as his father's Private Secretary. In July 1929, he co-founded a dining club called The Honorable Society of Pushcannons, which was later renamed the Priya Sangamaya. He passed his advocates exams in 1931 and commenced his legal practice in the unofficial bar.
2. Early Political Career
Jayewardene's entry into politics was marked by a burgeoning nationalist sentiment and active involvement in the movement for Ceylon's independence.
2.1. Nationalist Movement and Entry into Politics
Attracted to national politics during his student years, Jayewardene developed strong nationalist views. This period saw him convert from Anglicanism to Buddhism and adopt traditional national dress as his formal attire, symbolizing his commitment to a Ceylonese identity. He did not remain in legal practice for long; in 1943, he relinquished his full-time legal career to become a dedicated activist within the Ceylon National Congress (CNC). The CNC served as the organizational backbone for Ceylon's nationalist movement. He was elected Joint Secretary of the CNC alongside Dudley Senanayake in 1939 and 1940. In 1940, he was also elected to the Colombo Municipal Council representing the New Bazaar Ward, marking his initial foray into elected office.
2.2. State Council and Wartime Activities
In 1943, Jayewardene was elected to the colonial legislature, the State Council of Ceylon, winning the Kelaniya by-election after the resignation of the incumbent, D. B. Jayatilaka. His victory was notably attributed to his strategic use of an anti-Christian campaign against his nationalist opponent, E. W. Perera. During World War II, Jayewardene, like other Ceylonese nationalists, established contact with the Japanese, engaging in discussions about a potential rebellion to drive the British out of the island. In 1944, he put forward a motion in the State Council advocating for Sinhala alone to replace English as the official language, a stance that foreshadowed future ethnic tensions in the nation.
3. Ministerial Experience and Party Leadership
Jayewardene held significant ministerial portfolios in the early governments of independent Ceylon and eventually rose to lead the United National Party.
3.1. First Finance Minister
After becoming a founder member of the United National Party (UNP) upon its formation in 1946, Jayewardene was reelected from the Kelaniya electorate in the first parliamentary election. He was subsequently appointed as the Minister of Finance in Ceylon's inaugural cabinet in 1947 by D. S. Senanayake. Initiating crucial post-independence reforms, he was instrumental in the establishment of the Central Bank of Ceylon, guided by the American economist John Exter. In 1951, Jayewardene served as a member of the committee responsible for selecting Sri Lanka's National Anthem, which was chaired by Sir Edwin Wijeyeratne. The following year, he was elected President of the Board of Control for Cricket in Ceylon. His influence extended to the international stage when he played a major role in readmitting Japan to the world community at the San Francisco Peace Conference in 1951, advocating for reconciliation. As Finance Minister, he faced the considerable challenge of balancing the national budget, particularly due to mounting government expenditures on rice subsidies. He was re-elected in the 1952 parliamentary election and continued in his role as Finance Minister.
3.2. Minister of Agriculture and Food
In 1953, Jayewardene's proposal to significantly cut the food subsidies, upon which a large portion of the poor population depended for survival, sparked fierce public opposition. This culminated in the widespread general strike and civil unrest known as the 1953 Hartal campaign, forcing the government to withdraw the proposal. Following the resignation of Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake after the Hartal, the new Prime Minister Sir John Kotelawala appointed Jayewardene as Minister of Agriculture and Food and Leader of the House.
3.3. Opposition Leader and UNP Leadership
The 1956 parliamentary election saw the United National Party suffer a crushing defeat at the hands of the socialist and nationalist coalition led by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), headed by S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike. Jayewardene himself lost his parliamentary seat in Kelaniya to R. G. Senanayake, who had contested both his own constituency of Dambadeniya and Jayewardene's Kelaniya constituency specifically to defeat Jayewardene, whom he had forced out of the party.
Despite losing his seat, Jayewardene continued to exert influence within the UNP, pushing the party to adopt a more nationalistic stance and endorse the controversial Sinhala Only Act, which was vehemently opposed by the island's minority communities. When Bandaranaike reached an agreement with S.J.V. Chelvanayagam in 1957 to address the outstanding problems of the minorities, Jayewardene led a "March on Kandy" in protest, though the march was ultimately stopped at Imbulgoda by S. D. Bandaranayake. The UNP's official organ, Siyarata, subsequently published several anti-Tamil articles, including a poem that contained exhortations to kill Tamils. Throughout the 1960s, Jayewardene clashed with party leader Dudley Senanayake over this issue, with Jayewardene believing the UNP should be willing to employ ethnic politics, even at the cost of losing minority support.
Jayewardene became the vice-president and chief organizer of the United National Party. The UNP achieved a narrow victory in the March 1960 parliamentary election, forming a government under Dudley Senanayake. Jayewardene, having been re-elected to parliament from the Kelaniya electorate, was once again appointed as Minister of Finance. However, this government lasted only three months and lost the July 1960 parliamentary election to a new coalition led by Bandaranaike's widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike. Jayewardene remained in parliament as a member of the opposition, having been elected from the Colombo South electorate.
The United National Party won the next election in 1965 and formed a national government with the Sri Lanka Freedom Socialist Party led by C. P. de Silva. Jayewardene was reelected from the Colombo South electorate uncontested and was appointed Chief Government Whip. Senanayake appointed Jayewardene to his cabinet as Minister of State and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Defence and External Affairs, effectively making him the de facto deputy prime minister. No previous government had seriously considered developing the tourism industry as an economically viable venture until the United National Party came to power in 1965, and the subject came under Jayewardene's purview. He recognized tourism's potential as a major source of foreign exchange, a creator of mass employment, and a developer of a globally employable workforce. He was determined to establish this industry on a solid foundation, providing it with conceptual and institutional support. This was crucial for an industry previously shunned by leaders and ignored by investors due to uncertain returns. To provide the necessary government assurance, Jayewardene tabled the Ceylon Tourist Board Act No. 10 of 1966, followed by the Ceylon Hotels Corporation Act No. 14 of 1966. Presently, the tourism industry in Sri Lanka is a significant foreign exchange earner, with resorts in nearly all cities and an annual turnover of over 500,000 tourists enjoying the tropical climate and beaches.
In the general election of 1970, the UNP suffered a major defeat when the SLFP and its newly formed coalition of leftist parties secured almost two-thirds of the parliamentary seats. Jayewardene, once again elected to parliament, assumed the role of opposition leader and became the de facto leader of the UNP due to Dudley Senanayake's ill health. After Senanayake's death in 1973, Jayewardene officially succeeded him as UNP leader. He extended his full support to the SLFP government during the 1971 JVP Insurrection (despite his son being arrested by police without charges) and in 1972 when the new constitution was enacted, proclaiming Ceylon a republic. However, he opposed many government initiatives that he viewed as short-sighted and detrimental to the country's long-term economic health. These included the adoption of a closed economy and the nationalization of numerous private businesses and lands. In 1976, he resigned from his parliamentary seat in protest when the government, utilizing its large parliamentary majority, extended its term by two additional years beyond its six-year mandate, without holding a general election or a public referendum.
4. Prime Ministership
Tapping into the escalating public dissatisfaction with the SLFP government, Jayewardene led the UNP to a landslide victory in the 1977 general election. The UNP secured an unprecedented five-sixths of the seats in parliament, a total magnified by the first-past-the-post system, marking one of the most lopsided victories ever recorded in a democratic election. Having been elected to parliament from the Colombo West Electoral District, Jayewardene became the Prime Minister and proceeded to form a new government.
5. Presidency
Jayewardene's transition to the presidency marked a fundamental shift in Sri Lanka's political landscape, establishing a powerful executive office and ushering in a new era of economic and social policy.
5.1. Constitutional Reforms and Executive Presidency
Shortly after becoming Prime Minister, Jayewardene moved to amend the constitution of 1972 to transform the presidency into an executive post. The provisions of this amendment automatically made the incumbent prime minister-Jayewardene himself-president, and he was sworn in as the country's first executive president on 4 February 1978. He subsequently introduced a new constitution on 31 August 1978, which came into operation on 7 September of the same year. This new constitution granted the president sweeping powers, which some critics contended were almost dictatorial. A significant administrative change during his presidency was the relocation of the legislative capital from Colombo to Sri Jayawardanapura Kotte.
To consolidate his power and prevent challenges, Jayewardene took decisive actions against political rivals. He had the likely SLFP presidential nominee, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, stripped of her civic rights and barred from running for office for six years, citing her decision in 1976 to extend the term of parliament without an election. This action effectively ensured the SLFP would be unable to field a strong candidate against him in the 1982 presidential election, clearing his path to victory. This election was held under the 3rd amendment to the constitution, which empowered the president to hold a Presidential Election anytime after the expiration of four years of his first term. He also held a referendum to cancel the 1983 parliamentary elections, thereby allowing the 1977 parliament to continue its term until 1989. Furthermore, he passed a constitutional amendment that prohibited any Member of Parliament (MP) who supported separatism from holding a seat, a measure that effectively eliminated the main opposition party at the time, the Tamil United Liberation Front.
5.2. Economic Liberalization and Development
Jayewardene's presidency heralded a radical departure from the previous government's economic policies, which had led to stagnation. He initiated a complete turnaround, opening the heavily state-controlled economy to market forces, a move widely credited with fostering subsequent economic growth. He introduced more liberal economic policies, prioritizing private sector-led development. Policy changes were implemented to create an environment conducive to both foreign and local investment, and to promote export-led growth, marking a shift away from earlier import substitution strategies. To facilitate export-oriented enterprises and administer Export Processing Zones, the Greater Colombo Economic Commission was established.
Food subsidies, a substantial drain on the national budget, were curtailed and replaced with a targeted Food Stamps Scheme for the poor. The system of rice rationing was abolished, as were the Floor Price Scheme and the Fertilizer Subsidy Scheme. Alongside these reforms, new welfare initiatives were introduced, such as free school books and the Mahapola Scholarship Programme. The rural credit program was expanded with the introduction of the New Comprehensive Rural Credit Scheme and several other medium and long-term credit schemes aimed at supporting small farmers and the self-employed.
He also launched large-scale infrastructure development projects aimed at modernizing the country. An extensive housing development program was initiated to address housing shortages in both urban and rural areas. The ambitious Accelerated Mahaweli Programme saw the construction of new reservoirs and major hydropower projects, including the Kotmale, Victoria, Randenigala, Rantembe, and Ulhitiya dams. Several Trans Basin Canals were also constructed to divert water to the Dry Zone, supporting agricultural expansion.
5.3. Conservation Efforts
Jayewardene's administration also undertook several significant wildlife conservation initiatives. This included halting commercial logging in vital rain forests, notably the Sinharaja Forest Reserve, which was recognized internationally. Sinharaja was designated a World Biosphere Reserve in 1978 and later became a World Heritage Site in 1988, underscoring the government's commitment to protecting the nation's natural heritage.
5.4. Foreign Policy
In stark contrast to his predecessor, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, Jayewardene's foreign policy strongly aligned with American interests, earning him the nickname 'Yankie Dickie', much to the displeasure of neighboring India. Before Jayewardene's presidency, Sri Lanka maintained an open and cooperative relationship with India. However, Jayewardene's time in office saw him restrict access to India on several occasions, notably by granting a tender to an American company over an Indian one.
Jayewardene played host to Queen Elizabeth II during her state visit to Sri Lanka in October 1981, highlighting the country's continued ties with the Commonwealth. In 1984, he made a historic official State visit to the United States, becoming the first Sri Lankan President to do so, upon the invitation of then-US President Ronald Reagan. During this visit, Jayewardene famously presented a baby elephant to President Reagan and the American people, symbolizing goodwill between the two nations.
6. Sri Lankan Civil War and Ethnic Conflict
Jayewardene's presidency was tragically intertwined with the escalation of ethnic tensions and the outbreak of the devastating Sri Lankan Civil War.
6.1. Background and Escalation of Conflict
Jayewardene moved to crack down on the increasing activities of Tamil militant groups that had been active since the mid-1970s. In 1979, he enacted the Prevention of Terrorism Act, a controversial piece of legislation that granted the police sweeping powers of arrest and detention. Far from resolving the issue, this act only exacerbated the existing ethnic tensions. Jayewardene asserted that he needed overwhelming power to deal with the militants.
Following the 1977 riots, the government made a singular concession to the Tamils: it lifted the policy of standardization for university admission, a policy that had alienated many Tamil youths and pushed them towards militancy. However, this concession was widely regarded by the militants as too little, too late. Violent attacks continued, culminating in the ambush of a military patrol known as Four Four Bravo, an event that directly triggered the horrific Black July riots of 1983. These anti-Tamil riots, carried out by Sinhala mobs, transformed the nascent militancy into a full-scale civil war, significantly swelling the ranks of Tamil militant groups. By 1987, the LTTE had emerged as the dominant Tamil militant group, establishing de facto control over the Jaffna Peninsula and severely restricting government activities in that region. During this period, Jayewardene made a highly controversial statement in an interview with the Daily Telegraph on 11 July 1983, stating, "Really, if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy," reflecting the widespread anti-Tamil sentiments among certain segments of the Sinhalese population at the time.
6.2. Government Response and Ethnic Tensions
Jayewardene's administration responded to the burgeoning conflict with a massive military operation codenamed Operation Liberation, aimed at eliminating the LTTE leadership and regaining control of the Jaffna Peninsula. However, Jayewardene was compelled to halt the offensive following intense pressure from India, which advocated for a negotiated solution to the conflict after executing Operation Poomalai, an aerial supply drop over Jaffna.
6.3. Indo-Sri Lanka Accord
Under significant Indian influence, Jayewardene and Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ultimately concluded the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord on 29 July 1987. This agreement provided for the devolution of powers to Tamil-dominated regions, the deployment of an Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the north and east to enforce peace, and the demobilization of the LTTE.
However, the accord was met with strong rejection by the LTTE, as it fell short of their demand for an autonomous state. The proposed provincial councils lacked sufficient powers to control crucial areas such as revenue, policing, or government-sponsored Sinhala settlements in Tamil provinces. Domestically, Sinhala nationalists were outraged by both the devolution of power and the presence of foreign troops on Sri Lankan soil. This widespread anger led to an attempted assassination on Jayewardene's life in 1987, a direct consequence of his signing of the accord.
6.4. Internal Unrest and Suppression
Beyond the ethnic conflict, Jayewardene's administration also faced significant domestic challenges, including a brutal revolt organized by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a Marxist-Leninist party. This insurrection, primarily composed of young, disenfranchised Sinhalese individuals, was eventually suppressed by the government by 1989 through harsh measures, further highlighting the period's political instability and the government's authoritarian approach to internal dissent.
7. Personal Life
Beyond his extensive public career, Junius Richard Jayewardene led a private life marked by a long and devoted marriage.
7.1. Marriage and Family
On 28 February 1935, Jayewardene married the heiress Elina Bandara Rupasinghe. Elina was the only daughter of Nancy Margaret Suriyabandara and Gilbert Leonard Rupasinghe, a successful businessman who began his career as a notary public. Their only child, Ravindra "Ravi" Vimal Jayewardene, was born the following year. Initially, the Jayewardene family resided at Vaijantha, the home of Jayewardene's parents. In 1938, they moved to their own house, Braemar in Colombo, where they lived for the remainder of their lives, except when holidaying at their holiday home in Mirissa.
8. Legacy and Evaluation
Junius Richard Jayewardene's legacy is characterized by significant economic transformation alongside profound and often divisive impacts on ethnic relations and democratic governance in Sri Lanka.
8.1. Economic Legacy
On the economic front, Jayewardene's legacy is largely considered positive. His economic policies are frequently credited with saving the Sri Lankan economy from collapse. For three decades following independence, Sri Lanka had grappled with sluggish growth and high unemployment. By proactively opening the country to extensive foreign investments, dismantling price controls, and fostering private enterprise (which had suffered significantly under the preceding administration's policies), Jayewardene ensured that the island maintained healthy economic growth despite the concurrent civil war. The New York Times journalist William K. Stevens observed that "President Jayawardene's economic policies were credited with transforming the economy from one of scarcity to one of abundance." This economic liberalization fundamentally reshaped Sri Lanka's economic trajectory, moving it from a state-controlled model to a market-oriented one.
8.2. Ethnic and Social Impact
Conversely, on the ethnic question, Jayewardene's legacy is bitterly divisive. When he assumed office, ethnic tensions, though present, were not overtly volatile. However, relations between the Sinhalese and Tamil communities deteriorated significantly during his administration, leading to heavy criticism of his response to these tensions and the escalating signs of conflict. Jayewardene perceived the differences between the Sinhalese and Tamils as an "unbridgeable gap." His infamous statement in a 1983 interview with the Daily Telegraph-"Really, if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy"-underscored his understanding of the widespread anti-Tamil sentiments among some Sinhalese at that time, and has been used to highlight a perceived lack of empathy or a willingness to address grievances adequately. This approach, alongside the Prevention of Terrorism Act and the government's handling of riots like Black July, is widely seen as contributing to the escalation of the Sri Lankan Civil War and exacerbating the suffering of minority communities, thus deeply staining his social and human rights record.
8.3. Impact on Democracy and Social Progress
Jayewardene's impact on Sri Lanka's democratic development is also viewed critically. While he presided over a period of economic liberalization, his actions, such as stripping likely presidential nominee Sirimavo Bandaranaike of her civic rights and holding a referendum to extend the term of the 1977 parliament instead of new elections, have been criticized as consolidating power and exhibiting authoritarian tendencies. Furthermore, the constitutional amendment barring MPs who supported separatism, which effectively eliminated the main Tamil opposition party, raised concerns about the suppression of political dissent and the curtailment of democratic representation for minorities. His administration's response to internal unrest, including the brutal suppression of the JVP insurrection, also points to a willingness to employ forceful means to maintain control. While he initiated significant economic reforms, these were often accompanied by policies that increased social stratification and deepened existing ethnic and political divides, leading to a complex and contested legacy regarding social progress and democratic values.
9. Relationship with Japan
Junius Richard Jayewardene fostered a particularly significant historical and diplomatic relationship between Sri Lanka and Japan, which is highly regarded in Japan.
9.1. Diplomatic and Cultural Ties
Jayewardene's personal connection with Japan began early in his life. In March 1921, when he was just 15 years old, he reportedly went to the port to catch a glimpse of the battleship Katori, which carried the then-Crown Prince Hirohito (later Emperor Showa) during his European tour and made a stop in Sri Lanka. This early encounter marked the beginning of a lifelong affinity.
His most influential contribution to Japan-Sri Lanka relations came on 6 September 1951, as Ceylon's Finance Minister. At the San Francisco Peace Conference, he delivered a powerful speech advocating for reconciliation with post-war Japan. In his address, he famously quoted a passage from the Dhammapada (a Buddhist scripture): "Hatred ceases not by hatred, But by love," arguing against imposing harsh war reparations on Japan. His speech highlighted Asia's historical ties with Japan and the respect many colonized Asian nations held for Japan as the only powerful and free Asian nation at the time. He recalled how the slogan of "Greater Asia Co-Prosperity" had resonated with subjugated peoples, inspiring some leaders in Burma, India, and Indonesia to cooperate with Japan in hopes of liberating their homelands. This plea for compassion and forgiveness resonated deeply with the Japanese people and government.
As a cabinet minister, Prime Minister, and President, Jayewardene visited Japan numerous times, holding meetings with Emperor Showa on at least two occasions. He also actively promoted cultural exchange, including inviting Japanese Buddhist figures to Sri Lanka. In 1989, despite having retired as president, he personally attended Emperor Showa's state funeral (Taiso no Rei) with his wife, fulfilling his personal wish and being treated with the honors due to a head of state. In 1991, he visited Hiroshima at the invitation of Japanese Buddhist organizations, where he toured the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. His deep connection to Japan was further exemplified posthumously when, in accordance with his will, his corneas were donated after his death-his right eye to a Sri Lankan and his left eye to a Japanese woman in Nagano Prefecture.
9.2. Commemorations in Japan
While Jayewardene's will stipulated that no permanent monuments be erected in his memory in Sri Lanka, Japan houses several memorials and statues dedicated to him, reflecting the profound respect he commanded in the country for his role in their post-war rehabilitation. A notable statue of Jayewardene was erected at the Kamakura Temple in Kanagawa Prefecture, near the Great Buddha. Other sites in Japan where he is commemorated with stone monuments or statues include Unryu-ji in Hachioji, Tokyo; Zenko-ji in Nagano City, Nagano Prefecture; and Myotsu-ji in Aisai City, Aichi Prefecture.
10. Commemoration and Institutions
Following his retirement and death, institutions were established to preserve Jayewardene's legacy and work for future generations.
10.1. J.R. Jayewardene Centre
In 1988, the J.R. Jayewardene Centre was formally established by the J.R. Jayewardene Centre Act No. 77 of 1988, passed by the Parliament of Sri Lanka. The centre is situated at Jayewardene's childhood home on Dharmapala Mawatha in Colombo. It serves as a comprehensive archive, housing Jayewardene's personal library and papers, as well as documents and records from the Presidential Secretariat during his tenure as president, and various gifts he received while in office. The centre plays a crucial role in preserving the historical records of his significant political career and the period of his leadership.