1. Early Life and Background
Rosli Dhoby's early life in Sibu laid the foundation for his later nationalist activities, characterized by a quiet demeanor and a strong sense of purpose.
1.1. Childhood and Education
Rosli Dhoby was born on 18 March 1932, at House No. 94, Kampung Pulo in Sibu, Sarawak. He was the second child and elder son in a washerman's family. His father, Dhobi bin Buang, was an ethnic local Sibu Malay with ancestral roots in Kalimantan, Indonesia, and was a descendant of `Raden` ranked nobles. His mother, Habibah binti Haji Lamit, came from a Sambas Malay family that had long settled in Mukah and intermingled with the local native Melanau population. Rosli had an elder sister, Fatimah (1927-2019), and a younger brother, Ainnie (born 1934). Although little is known about his earliest years, friends described Rosli as an approachable, soft-spoken, and humble person who respected his elders. He also had a girlfriend named Ani.
In 1949, at the age of 16, Rosli attended morning classes at a Methodist school as a standard 6 pupil.
1.2. Early Career and Activities
Rosli Dhoby began his career working at the Sarawak Public Works Department (PWD). In 1949, he resigned from government service after the colonial government issued Circular No. 9, which was likely seen as an oppressive measure. Following his resignation, Rosli became a teacher at the Sekolah Rakyat Sibu religious school, teaching in the evenings.
His early involvement in youth movements marked his political awakening. He became a member and was appointed vice secretary of the Sibu Malay Youth Movement (Pengerakan Pemuda MelayuMalay Youth MovementMalay, PPM) under the leadership of Sirat Haji Yaman. This involvement provided him with a platform to engage with nationalist ideals and connect with like-minded individuals.
2. Political Activities and Nationalism
Rosli Dhoby's political activities were deeply rooted in his growing nationalist convictions and his commitment to ending British colonial rule in Sarawak. His involvement with the Rukun 13 and his nationalist writings solidified his role as a key figure in the anti-colonial movement.
In mid-1948, Rosli expressed his frustration to Abang Ahmad Abang Haji Abu Bakar, complaining that the top leaders of the PPM were plotting to expel the British from Sarawak but had not invited him to participate. Abang Ahmad explained that secrecy was necessary to prevent information leaks. Rosli responded with a strong declaration, stating his intention to "rock Sarawak by giving a nice punch against the British colonial masters." Later that same year, Rosli joined the top leaders of PPM in establishing a new, more radical organization known as `Rukun 13`.
2.1. Rukun 13 and Anti-cession Movement
The `Rukun 13` was formed in 1948, with Awang Rambli as its leader. It operated as a secret cell organization composed of nationalists who aimed to carry out assassinations of British colonial government officers in Sarawak. At a meeting held on Telephone Road in Sibu, Awang Rambli articulated that their previous protests over the past three years had yielded no results. Therefore, more radical action was deemed necessary, specifically the assassination of the new British governor. Rosli Dhoby was chosen for this dangerous task due to his youth, as it was believed the British would not suspect an assassination attempt by such a young person. Awang Rambli also promised to support Rosli if he were to be imprisoned. Following this, Wan Zen Wan Abdullah and Awang Rambli read a passage from the al-Quran (specifically, `Yassin`). All attendees at the meeting swore an oath by drinking a glass of water, pledging not to leak the meeting's minutes to outsiders, under threat of severe condemnation if the promise was broken.
One of the stated aims of `Rukun 13` was to establish a union between Sarawak and the newly independent Indonesia. Sukarno, the first president of Indonesia, was highly regarded by many Sarawak Malays, with posters of him reportedly decorating Malay houses in Sarawak. However, Tahar Johnny, a cousin of Rosli, denied that Rosli himself was pro-Indonesia, despite Rosli's personal liking for Indonesian culture and items. Tahar suggested that other members of `Rukun 13` might have held pro-Indonesian sentiments.
2.2. Nationalist Writings
Rosli Dhoby also contributed to the nationalist cause through his writings. Using the pseudonym `Lidros`, he penned a nationalist poem titled "Panggilan Mu yang SuchiYour Divine CallMalay." This powerful poem was published in the Malay newspaper `Utusan Sarawak` on 28 February 1949. The use of pseudonyms was widespread during this period, as the British Colonial Authority actively monitored and suppressed any attempts to spread anti-colonial sentiments that could undermine government stability.
3. Assassination of Duncan George Stewart
The assassination of Governor Duncan George Stewart was a meticulously planned act of defiance by Rosli Dhoby and his comrades, aimed at directly challenging British colonial authority in Sarawak.
The context for this drastic action was the end of World War II, which also brought an end to the rule of the Brooke Dynasty in Sarawak. Believing it to be in the best interest of the people, Rajah Vyner Brooke ceded the state to become a British crown colony. This move was vehemently opposed by Rajah Muda Anthony Brooke, who was next in line to become the Rajah, as well as by many indigenous Sarawakians who had initially been promised self-government. Anthony Brooke became a key leader of the anti-cession movement, which sought to reverse the cession and reclaim Sarawak's autonomy.
On 2 December 1949, the day before the assassination, Yusuf Haji Merais and Abang Kess Abang Ahmad met Mostaffa Takip and Rosli Dhoby while they were on their way to the Rex Cinema to meet a nobleman named Wan Wan San. Rosli then brought them to Ibu Habsah's house, where other friends, including Morshidi Sidek, Rabee Adis, and Wan Ahmad, were waiting. During this informal meeting, they discussed their struggle and nationalist ideals. When the conversation turned to the new governor, Duncan George Stewart, and his upcoming first working visit to Sibu the next day, Rosli stood up and declared his intention to kill the governor. However, those present at the meeting did not take him seriously, as such bold statements were frequently heard from other young people during casual discussions. After the meeting, between 9 and 11 pm, Rosli, Yusuf, and other friends went to Encik Aninie Sepet's house to watch people drumming. Just before midnight, they proceeded to Yusuf Haji Merais's house at Kampung Pulo, located behind the Chung Hua school. There, Rosli requested to wear Yusuf's festive clothes before returning to his own home.
The following morning, 3 December 1949, Yusuf was awakened at 4 am by Rosli knocking on his door. Yusuf handed his identity card back to Rosli, advising him to return it to the British, and gave Rosli some final words of advice. At 6 am, Rosli went to Morshidi's house to finalize their plan for the assassination. Rosli purchased a camera and a dagger, which was reportedly poisoned. At 8 am, Rosli met Yusuf at the Pacific Traders office on Pulo Road, where he sought forgiveness from Yusuf and expressed his wish for the struggle for Sarawak's independence to continue. Rosli then proceeded to the Methodist primary school, where he joined the line of people waiting to welcome the new British Governor, Duncan George Stewart. Rosli stood beside Morshidi and handed him the camera.
After inspecting the guard of honor, Governor Stewart approached a group of schoolchildren. At this moment, Morshidi pretended to take a photograph of the governor with the camera, causing the governor to pause. Seizing the opportunity, Rosli stepped out of the line, pulled out the dagger, and attempted to stab the governor. His first stab missed. As two police officers noticed Rosli and ran towards him, he threw the dagger at the governor. Morshidi then drew his own dagger and attempted to attack the governor, but his assault was thwarted by Barcroft, the third-divisional resident, and Dilks, the governor's confidential secretary. Rosli was immediately arrested by the police. Despite his capture, Rosli reportedly felt no regret for his actions.
Despite suffering a deep stab wound, Governor Stewart reportedly attempted to carry on until blood began to seep through his white uniform. He was immediately rushed to Sibu Hospital and then transferred to Kuching Hospital on the same day. Dr. Wallace planned an emergency operation for the governor the next day, 4 December 1949, in Singapore. However, Duncan Stewart succumbed to his injuries and died on 10 December 1949, one week after the incident.
4. Trial and Execution
Following the assassination, Rosli Dhoby and his co-conspirators faced legal proceedings that culminated in their conviction and execution, a grim outcome for the young nationalists.
On 4 December, the day after the assassination, members of `Rukun 13` were remanded, and their houses were searched by the authorities. Rosli Dhoby was initially tried for attempted murder. However, after Governor Stewart's death, the charge was upgraded to murder. The hearing took place at the Second Circuit Court in Sibu. Rosli initially chose to defend himself without a lawyer. During the trial, he challenged the prosecution on several points: first, he argued that a Sikh police officer had left his thumbprint on the dagger when it was brought back, and there was no direct witness to state that Rosli had stabbed the governor. Second, Rosli contended that the governor did not die immediately after the incident but rather after Dr. Wallace's operation, implying that Dr. Wallace was the actual killer, not Rosli Dhoby. Rosli successfully defended himself on these specific points.
However, Barcroft and Jerry Martin later met with Rosli's mother and pressured her to persuade Rosli to plead guilty, suggesting it would reduce the severity of his punishment. The Malay source indicates that his mother was threatened with being shot if Rosli did not confess. Under the immense pressure of his mother's pleas, Rosli ultimately decided to plead guilty. Consequently, Rosli was found guilty and sentenced to capital punishment by hanging. This marked the first instance of capital punishment in Sarawak.
While imprisoned in Kuching prison, Rosli diligently recited `surah Yassin` from the al-Quran and generally remained quiet. Just before his death, he offered advice to his friends and wrote letters to his family members.
After several months in Kuching prison, Rosli Dhoby, along with Awang Ramli Amit Mohd Deli, Morshidi Sidek, and Bujang Suntong, were found guilty of murder and sentenced to death. This decision drew criticism, particularly because Rosli was a juvenile at the time of the assassination, being only 17 years old.
Before Rosli's hanging, Abang Haji Zaidell (father to Datuk Safri Awang Zaidell) administered an anesthetic injection to Rosli. Rosli reportedly told Awang Mois in Sarawak Malay, "Keadaan kita tok, ada hidup ada mati. Keakhirannya ngine pun, kita mati juak. Enta saya, entah kitak... betermulah!Our situation has life and death. No matter what is the outcome, we die anyway. I or us, ... just face it!Malay" His last words to the prison officers were, "Apabila saya hendak digantung kelak, tunggu saya habis membaca kalimah.Before I am hanged, wait until I finished reciting the kalimah.Malay" His wish was granted by Westin, an Englishman who had been posted from Changi prison in Singapore. Rosli was subsequently hanged, along with Morshidi, on the morning of 2 March 1950, at the Kuching prison. Fearing public resentment and a resurgence of the anti-cession movement, the British government did not permit the bodies of the four executed individuals to leave the Kuching prison. Instead, they were interred in unmarked graves within the prison compound, without tombstones, beneath the prison wall.
5. Aftermath and Recognition
The immediate aftermath of the assassination and executions plunged Sarawak into a period of turmoil, but also set the stage for a significant shift in public perception and eventual recognition of Rosli Dhoby's role in the nationalist struggle.
Sarawak experienced tumultuous years following the executions, and the anti-cessionists' rebellion was ultimately crushed. Support from the local population dwindled due to `Rukun 13`'s "aggressive" tactics, coupled with opposition from some pro-British Malay leaders. Most of the anti-cessionists were arrested and imprisoned, with some sent to Changi Prison in Singapore. Peace was eventually restored during the era of Sarawak's third governor, Sir Anthony Foster Abell. Even those who had been imprisoned at Changi were later allowed to return to Sarawak to continue their sentences at Kuching Central Prison.
5.1. Public Perception and Government Response
From 1949 until 1996, the Sarawak public generally viewed the struggle of Rosli Dhoby and `Rukun 13` negatively, often labeling them as "bad guys," "imposters," or "rebels." This perception began to change only after the Sarawak state government granted a formal state funeral to the executed nationalists in 1996.
In 2012, declassified documents from the British National Archives revealed that Anthony Brooke had no connection with Stewart's assassination, and that the British government had known this at the time. The British government chose to keep this information secret because the assassins were found to be agitating for a union with newly independent Indonesia. The British did not want to provoke Indonesia, which had only recently won its war of independence from the Netherlands, especially as the British were preoccupied with the Malayan Emergency.
After Sarawak joined Malaysia on 16 September 1963, a tombstone was placed at Rosli Dhoby's grave near the Islamic Heritage Museum in Kuching. In 1961, Tunku Abdul Rahman, then the Prime Minister of Malaya, became interested in Rosli Dhoby's story while promoting his plan for the formation of greater Malaysia in Sibu. Tunku then discussed with the Chief Minister of Sarawak, Abdul Taib Mahmud, the idea of building a heroes' monument near the Sarawak State Museum. On 29 November 1990, the foundation stone for this heroes' monument was laid by Tunku and Taib Mahmud. This monument also hagiographed other historical figures such as Datuk Merpati Jepang, Rentap, and Datuk Patinggi Ali, alongside Tunku Abdul Rahman himself.
In 1975, Mahathir Mohamad, who was then the Minister of Education, officially changed the name of SMK Bandar Sibu to SMK Rosli Dhoby in commemoration of Rosli Dhoby.
After 46 years, on 2 March 1996, Rosli's remains were exhumed from Kuching Central Prison and moved to be reburied in the Sarawak's Heroes Mausoleum near the An Nur Mosque in his hometown of Sibu. He was given a state funeral by the Sarawak government, during which the coffins containing the remains of the four freedom fighters were draped with the Sarawak state flag, fulfilling one of Rosli Dhoby's last wishes.
5.2. Memorials and Cultural Portrayals
Rosli Dhoby's legacy is preserved through various memorials and cultural portrayals, ensuring his story remains a part of Sarawak's collective memory.
The most prominent memorial is the Sarawak's Heroes Mausoleum in Sibu, where his remains were reinterred. The naming of SMK Rosli Dhoby in Sibu also serves as a lasting tribute.
In 2009, Malaysian television provider Astro screened a miniseries titled `Warkah Terakhir` ("The Final Letter"), which depicted the story of Rosli Dhoby. The miniseries was produced by Wan Hasliza, with actor Beto Kusyairy portraying Rosli Dhoby. However, Rosli Dhoby's relative, Lucas Johnny, stated that the series contained several factual errors. For instance, the miniseries portrayed Dhoby as attempting to run away after stabbing the governor, whereas in reality, Rosli had tried to stab the governor a second time but was stopped by the governor's bodyguards.
6. Legacy
Rosli Dhoby's actions and ultimate sacrifice left an enduring impact on Sarawak's history and its national consciousness, transforming his image from a controversial figure to a revered national hero. His reburial and state funeral in 1996 were pivotal in shifting public perception, acknowledging his role in the struggle for self-determination against colonial rule.
Despite his significant historical role, research into Rosli Dhoby's life and the `Rukun 13` has faced challenges due to limited primary records. The last known member of `Rukun 13` died in 2009, although several members of the Pergerakan Pemuda Melayu (Young Malays Movement) were still alive in 2009. Furthermore, the Malaysian prison department stated that it did not keep any records or files for the four offenders, as a portion of the documents were destroyed by the British during the colonial era.
In 2013, Jeniri Amir, a professor specializing in political communication from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak, published a book about Rosli Dhoby that included new information. However, Nordi Achie, a researcher at the Centre for the Promotion of Knowledge and Language Learning, Universiti Malaysia Sabah, critiqued Jeniri's book for containing errors and offering only a superficial analysis of the newly discovered information regarding Stewart's assassination. Despite these challenges in documentation, Rosli Dhoby's story continues to be a powerful symbol of nationalist resistance and a source of inspiration in Sarawak and Malaysia.