Klaus Iohannis

1.1. Childhood and Family Background

Klaus Werner Iohannis was born on 13 June 1959 in the old city center of Sibiu, Romania. He is the eldest child of Gustav Heinz and Susanne Johannis, a Transylvanian Saxon family, part of Romania's German minority who settled in Transylvania during the High Middle Ages. His father worked as a technician at a state-owned company, and his mother was a nurse. He has a younger sister, Krista Johannis, born in 1964.

Iohannis's family roots in Transylvania trace back approximately 850 years, with records indicating their presence around 1500 in the small town of Cisnădie, Sibiu County. Following the fall of the Iron Curtain, in 1992, his parents and sister emigrated to Würzburg, Bavaria, Germany, acquiring citizenship under the German Law of Return, as did many other Transylvanian Saxons. However, Iohannis chose to remain in Romania.

1.2. Academic and Professional Career

Iohannis pursued his higher education at the Faculty of Physics of the Babeș-Bolyai University (UBB) in Cluj-Napoca, graduating in 1983. From 1983 to 1989, he worked as a high school physics teacher at various schools in Sibiu. From 1989 to 1997, he taught at the Samuel von Brukenthal National College, the oldest German-speaking school in Romania.

His career then shifted to educational administration. From 1997 to 1999, he served as the Deputy General School Inspector of Sibiu County. In 1999, he was promoted to General School Inspector, a position he held until his election as mayor in 2000, overseeing public schools in the county.

2.1. Mayor of Sibiu

Iohannis began his political career in 1990 by joining the Democratic Forum of Germans in Romania (FDGR/DFDR), a political organization representing the German-speaking minority. He served on its board of education in Transylvania from 1997 and on the local party board in Sibiu from 1998. In 2001, he was elected President of the FDGR/DFDR, succeeding Eberhard Wolfgang Wittstock.

In the 2000 Romanian local elections, the local chapter of the FDGR/DFDR in Sibiu nominated Iohannis as their candidate for mayor. Despite the fact that Sibiu's German minority had shrunk to a mere 1.6% of the population, Iohannis secured a surprising victory with 69.18% of the votes, becoming the first ethnic German mayor of a major Romanian city since Albert Dörr (who served in Sibiu from 1906/07 to 1918) and Hans Jung (who briefly served in Timișoara in 1941). During his first term, he collaborated with a town council that included the PSD, FDGR/DFDR, PD, CDR, and PRM.

He was re-elected by landslides in subsequent elections, achieving some of the highest electoral scores in the country: 88.69% in 2004 Romanian local elections, 83.26% in 2008 Romanian local elections, and 77.89% in 2012 Romanian local elections. From 2004 onwards, his own party, FDGR/DFDR, held a majority in the town council.

Iohannis is widely credited with significantly transforming Sibiu into one of Romania's most popular tourist destinations, largely due to extensive renovation of the old downtown infrastructure and improvements in local administration. He actively established contacts with foreign officials and investors. His efforts culminated in Sibiu being declared the European Capital of Culture in 2007, a distinction shared with Luxembourg City. Luxembourg chose to share this status with Sibiu due to the historical migration of Transylvanian Saxons from the Luxembourg area in the 12th century. Sibiu, historically a cultural center for Germans in Transylvania, was predominantly German-speaking until the mid-20th century, with many Germans leaving after World War II and particularly after the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1990. In recognition of his contributions, Iohannis was named "Personalitatea anului pentru o Românie europeană_{Personality of the Year for a European Romania}^Romanian" by the Eurolink - House of Europe organization in 2005.

2.2. Candidacy for Prime Minister

In October 2009, following the fall of Prime Minister Emil Boc's government through a motion of no confidence, four of the five political groups in the Parliament of Romania-the PNL, the PSD, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR), the PC, and a group of smaller ethnic minorities-proposed Iohannis as a candidate for Prime Minister. Despite coming from outside national-level politics, Iohannis was seen as an independent politician, though his party (FDGR/DFDR) had consistently allied with the PNL.

On 14 October 2009, Iohannis confirmed his acceptance of the candidacy. The PNL, PSD, UDMR, and the small ethnic minorities group presented him as their common candidate for an interim government. However, on 15 October, then-President Traian Băsescu nominated Lucian Croitoru, a prominent Romanian economist, instead, citing the need for a Prime Minister with economic experience during the financial crisis and a preference for proposals from the largest parliamentary faction (the PDL).

The opposition strongly criticized Băsescu's refusal to nominate Iohannis. Social Democrat leader Mircea Geoană accused Băsescu of attempting to influence the upcoming 2009 Romanian presidential election by ensuring a sympathetic government. Crin Antonescu, the PNL leader and a presidential candidate, vowed that his party would obstruct any nominations other than Iohannis's, even stating he would appoint Iohannis as Prime Minister if elected president. On 21 October, the Parliament, with 252 votes in favor (from PSD, PNL, UDMR, and minorities groups) and 2 against, adopted a declaration formally requesting the President to nominate Iohannis as Prime Minister. Despite this, Băsescu remained firm in his decision.

2.3. Leadership in the National Liberal Party (PNL)

On 20 February 2013, Klaus Iohannis officially joined the PNL, a move announced during a joint press conference with then-PNL leader Crin Antonescu. He was immediately elected First Vice President of the party at an extraordinary PNL congress.

In 2014, the PNL and the PDL initiated procedures to strengthen the political right, which eventually led to their merger under the PNL name. On 28 June 2014, Iohannis was elected President of the PNL with an overwhelming 95% of the votes, solidifying his position as a major figure in Romanian national politics. This followed his long tenure as leader of the Democratic Forum of Germans in Romania (FDGR/DFDR) from 2002 to 2013.

2.4. Presidential Candidacy and Election

Iohannis had previously indicated a potential future run for the presidency in 2009, though not in that year. In the summer of 2014, the newly formed Christian Liberal Alliance (ACL), an electoral alliance between the PNL and PDL, chose Iohannis as its candidate for the 2014 Romanian presidential election. He was officially registered as a presidential candidate on 11 August 2014. In an interview, Iohannis humorously described himself as a "politruk" (political commissar) running for the presidency.

In the first round of the 2014 election, Iohannis received 30.37% of the votes, finishing second and qualifying for the second round. His campaign focused on key pledges such as fighting corruption and improving the justice system, aiming to strengthen Romania's rule of law and stabilize its security. He also advocated for reforms in the economy, healthcare, and education.

During the campaign, Iohannis faced criticism from media outlets closely associated with his opponent, then-Prime Minister Victor Ponta and the PSD. These criticisms included attacks on his lack of children and portraying him as a non-Romanian, provincial politician. He was also accused of various wrongdoings, such as selling children for organs, property fraud, embezzling public funds, and being a "foreign agent" or "separatist" attempting to divide the country. His membership in the Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in Romania also became an issue, with parts of the Romanian Orthodox Church urging voters to support a "good Orthodox Romanian." However, his German ethnicity was also seen as an advantage by some, who viewed Germans as "competent administrators" in Romania.

In the second round on 16 November 2014, Iohannis secured a decisive victory, being elected President of Romania with 54.43% of the cast ballots, overturning his first-round deficit. He was subsequently re-elected by a landslide in the 2019 Romanian presidential election, winning the first round with 37.82% and the second round with 66.09% against former Prime Minister Viorica Dăncilă. He took office on 21 December 2014, upon the conclusion of Traian Băsescu's term.

3.1. Inauguration and Key Policy Focus

Klaus Iohannis assumed the presidency on 21 December 2014. His presidential campaign and the initial phase of his administration were primarily focused on two central themes: a strong commitment to fighting corruption and improving the justice system, and a staunchly pro-Western foreign policy orientation. He aimed to strengthen the rule of law in Romania and align the country more closely with Western democratic standards.

Upon taking office, Iohannis suspended his membership within the National Liberal Party (PNL), as the Romanian constitution does not allow the president to be a formal member of a political party during their tenure.

3.2. Domestic Policy and Governance

Iohannis's approach to domestic governance was characterized by efforts to uphold the rule of law and democratic principles. Early in his mandate, he supported the rejection of a heavily disputed draft law concerning the amnesty of misdemeanors and pardoning of certain penalties, which had been proposed by Nicolae Păun, leader of the Party of the Roma. This rejection, initiated by Iohannis and the PNL, demonstrated his early stance against measures that could undermine judicial integrity.

Relations with the then-socialist Prime Minister Victor Ponta initially appeared collaborative but quickly deteriorated. This was exacerbated by Ponta's foreign visits without informing the President and, more significantly, by criminal prosecution against Ponta for alleged corruption charges, which led Iohannis to demand his resignation. Similarly, his relations with the Parliament became strained as he criticized its tendency to defend Members of Parliament by rejecting requests from the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) to lift their immunity, citing cases like PSD Senator Dan Șova and Prime Minister Ponta. Iohannis consistently advocated for a sustained fight against corruption and expressed dissatisfaction with attempts to amend the Penal Code, arguing that such changes could lead to the acquittal of numerous defendants.

However, Iohannis's second term saw a concerning shift towards what critics described as democratic backsliding and a more illiberal or even authoritarian style of government, particularly after the 2021 Romanian political crisis and the formation of the National Coalition for Romania (CNR). A 2023 survey indicated that over 90% of Romanians did not trust Iohannis, with only 8% holding a positive opinion. In 2023, the Economist Democracy Index ranked Romania last in the European Union (EU) in terms of democracy, even behind Viktor Orbán's Hungary, a situation Iohannis himself had lamented in 2014 when Romania was ranked significantly lower than Botswana.

Despite the official non-affiliation of the President with any political party, Iohannis was widely regarded as the de facto leader of the National Liberal Party (PNL). Critics blamed him as primarily responsible for the 2021 political crisis, particularly for excluding the USR from government, which allowed the PSD to return to power in the National Coalition for Romania (CNR) on 25 November 2021. This move drew strong criticism from public figures and intellectuals who had previously supported him, accusing him of double standards and a lack of proper governance, especially given his prior strong criticisms of the PSD. The CNR's rule was described by some as authoritarian, illiberal, kleptocratic, and corrupt, with concerns raised about declining press freedom in Romania, as indicated by the World Press Freedom Index.

In June 2023, following the resignation of Prime Minister Nicolae Ciucă as per the CNR's rotation protocol, Iohannis designated Marcel Ciolacu as the next prime minister. He praised the PSD-PNL coalition and the government rotation model, stating it "has worked very well so far" and showed "a new level of seriousness."

3.3. International Relations and Diplomacy

3.4. Social and Minority Issues

3.5. Criticism and Controversies

Iohannis's second term, in particular, was marked by significant criticism and controversies, leading to a decline in public trust and allegations of democratic erosion. Many political observers and public figures have ranked him among the worst presidents since the 1989 Romanian Revolution.

3.5.4. Public Perception and Approval Ratings

Public perception of Iohannis's presidency evolved significantly. While he enjoyed strong support after his initial election on an anti-corruption platform, his approval ratings began to decline from April 2021 onwards. This decline was attributed to increasing public disapproval of his political behavior, his perceived shift towards illiberalism, and his controversial alliance with the PSD. The sharp drop in trust, with over 90% of Romanians expressing distrust in him by June 2023, reflected widespread disillusionment with his leadership and the direction of Romanian politics under his tenure.

Following the annulment of the 2024 Romanian presidential election in December by the Constitutional Court, Iohannis's term was extended until a successor could be elected. However, facing a motion for suspension filed by opposition MPs and widespread public discontent over the political instability and his perceived role in it, Iohannis announced his resignation as President of Romania on 10 February 2025, stating he aimed "not to create a divided Romania." His resignation became effective on 12 February 2025, and he was succeeded by Senate president Ilie Bolojan, who will serve as acting president until the 2025 Romanian presidential election.

4.1. Conservatism and Liberalism

Ideologically, Klaus Iohannis has been described as a conservative. His political positioning has often balanced traditional conservative values with liberal democratic principles. While his early career emphasized democratic reforms and anti-corruption, his later actions drew criticism for perceived illiberal tendencies, particularly in his second presidential term.

4.2. Unification of Moldova and Romania

Regarding the potential unification of the Republic of Moldova with Romania, Iohannis's views evolved during his political career. During the 2014 presidential campaign, he stated that unification was "something that only Bucharest can offer and only Chișinău can accept," adding that "if Moldovan citizens want the unification with Romania, then nobody can stop them."

After his election, his position became more nuanced. He stressed that Romania should currently focus on supporting Moldova to consolidate its pro-European path. In February 2016, he stated that a possible unification could be discussed only when both countries achieve stability, calling the idea a "less serious approach" given the Transnistria conflict and differences in economic stability and anti-corruption efforts between Romania and Moldova. This statement sparked indignation among unionists who accused him of demagogy, given his more favorable stance during the 2014 campaign. In March 2018, he was notably absent from a plenary parliamentary vote regarding the 100th anniversary of the Union of Bessarabia with Romania.

4.3. Székely Autonomy

Iohannis's position on the demands for autonomy from the Székely community in Transylvania has been consistently against ethnic-based regionalization. In July 2017, he cautioned against decentralization that would create regions based on the ethnic origin of residents, advocating instead for increased cooperation between Romanians and Hungarians, local administrative reforms, and regional development.

In April 2020, a draft legislation favoring the autonomy of Székely Land, submitted by two deputies of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR/RMDSZ), was tacitly adopted by the Chamber of Deputies due to exceeding a 45-day deadline for debate. Iohannis strongly criticized this, stating in a televised speech that while the country was fighting the COVID-19 pandemic, the PSD was "fighting in the secret offices of the parliament to give Transylvania to the Hungarians." He mockingly used Hungarian in his speech, saying "Bună ziua_{Good day}^Romanian, dear Romanians; jó napot kívánok_{good day}^Hungarian, PSD."

This speech was met with widespread criticism. Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade Péter Szijjártó described Iohannis's statements as "particularly uncivilized and suitable for inciting hatred," demanding "more respect to Hungarians." Romanian Minister of Foreign Affairs Bogdan Aurescu countered, calling Szijjártó's statements "provocative and inadequate." Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán remarked that such comments had "never been heard from Romania, not even in the worst, most antidemocratic, tumultuous times." Iohannis's comments were also criticized by Romanian opposition parties. Subsequently, the National Council for Combating Discrimination (CNCD) fined Iohannis 5.00 K RON for discrimination and ethnicity/nationality-based violation of the right to dignity. The draft bill was ultimately rejected by the Senate.

4.4. Romanian Minority Rights in Ukraine

Iohannis has been a vocal critic of Ukraine's 2017 education law, which made Ukrainian the sole language of education in state schools. He canceled a planned visit to Kyiv in October 2017 in protest, stating that the law "will drastically limit the access of minorities to education in their native language. We are deeply hurt by this. We have many Romanians in Ukraine."

4.5. Anti-corruption Measures

A central pillar of Iohannis's political platform and presidency was his commitment to fighting corruption in Romania. Since taking office, he consistently expressed support for prosecutors investigating high-profile corruption cases against politicians. In February 2016, at the annual meeting of the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), he praised their work as a "model of functional institution" that had earned the appreciation of Romanian citizens who desire a just society free of corruption. He emphasized that the DNA's results, recognized internationally, guarantee that "the process of strengthening democracy and the rule of law in Romania are on track," and affirmed the constitutional principle that "nobody is above the law."

He notably rejected demands for the suspension of the head of Romania's DNA, Laura Codruța Kövesi, underscoring his support for the independence of anti-corruption bodies.

4.6. Migration Policy

Iohannis's policy positions on migration have focused on controlled management and robust border security. He has asserted that migration "has to be controlled" and that "it affects Romanian habits," advocating for the strengthening of external European borders. While Romania accepted the migration quota set by the EU for the country, Iohannis maintained his opposition to mandatory quotas being imposed by the European Commission.

5.1. Family and Personal Background

Klaus Iohannis married Carmen Lăzurcă in 1989. Carmen Iohannis is an English teacher at the Gheorghe Lazăr National College in Sibiu. The couple has no children.

Iohannis is fluent in German, his mother tongue, and Romanian, the language of the majority. He also speaks English fluently and has some proficiency in French. Although the original German spelling of his surname is Johannis, it was registered as Iohannis on his birth certificate by a Romanian official, and he has used both spellings interchangeably.

5.2. Religious Affiliation

Iohannis is a member of the Evangelical Church of the Augsburg Confession in Romania, which is the German-speaking Lutheran church primarily serving the Transylvanian Saxons, with a smaller presence in other parts of Romania.

6.1. National and International Awards

• 2023 - German Civic Award, conferred by the Bad Harzburg Civic Foundation, Germany
• 2023 - Franz Werfel Award for Human Rights, granted by the Center against Expulsions in Bonn, Germany
• 2020 - European Charles IV Prize of the Sudeten German Homeland Association, Germany
• 2020/2021 - Charlemagne Prize, awarded by the City of Aachen, Germany
• 2020 - The Emperor Otto Prize, awarded by the City of Magdeburg, Germany
• 2020 - European Prize Coudenhove-Kalergi, European Society Coudenhove-Kalergi
• 2019 - Medal of Honour (Goldene Ehrennadel), the Democratic Forum of Germans in Romania, Sibiu
• 2018 - Franz Josef Strauss award, Hanns Seidel Foundation, Munich, Germany
• 2017 - Light Unto the Nations award, American Jewish Committee, Washington, D.C., United States of America
• 2017 - Semper Opera Ball Dresden Medal of St. George, Germany
• 2016 - Hermann Ehlers award, Hermann Ehlers Foundation, Kiel, Germany
• 2016 - Martin Buber-Plaque, EURIADE Foundation, Kerkrade, the Netherlands
• 2010 - Friend of the Jewish Communities in Romania Medal of Honor, Sibiu, Romania
• 2010 - The German Expatriates Association Plaque of Honor
• 2009 - Honorary Senator of Babeș-Bolyai University

6.2. State Honorary Distinctions

• 2023 - Grand Collar of the Order of Liberty of the Portuguese Republic
• 2022 - Grand Cross of the Order for Merits to Lithuania
• 2022 - Order of the Three Stars - Commander Grand Cross (1st class) - Republic of Latvia
• 2022 - Grand Collar of the State of Palestine
• 2021 - Collar of the Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana of the Republic of Estonia
• 2019 - Emblem of Honour of Romanian Army
• 2017 - Grand Order of King Tomislav with Sash and Grand Star of the Republic of Croatia
• 2016 - Order (First Class) of the White Double Cross of the Slovak Republic
• 2016 - Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour of the French Republic
• 2016 - Order of the White Eagle of the Republic of Poland
• 2016 - Grand Cross (Special Class) of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
• 2016 - Order Stara Planina with Ribbon of the Republic of Bulgaria
• 2016 - Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic
• 2016 - Order of the Gold Lion of the House of Nassau, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
• 2016 - Collar (First Class) of the Order of Vytautas the Great, the Republic of Lithuania
• 2016 - Order of the Holy Sepulchre of the Patriarchate of the Holy City of Jerusalem and all Palestine and Israel
• 2016 - Order of the Republic of Moldova
• 2015 - Grand Collar of the Order of the Infante D. Henrique of the Portuguese Republic
• 2014 - Officer's Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
• 2011 - Knight of the National Order for Merit of Romania
• 2009 - Officer of the Order of the Crown of the Kingdom of Belgium
• 2009 - Grand Cross Order of Merit, the Republic of Austria
• 2009 - Officer of the Order of Merit of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg
• 2008 - Commander of the Order of the Star of Italian Solidarity of the Italian Republic
• 2007 - Knight of the National Order of the Star of Romania
• 2006 - Cross of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany

8.1. Mayor of Sibiu Elections

8.2. Presidential Elections