Kim Il (politician)

1.1. Birth and Childhood

Kim Il was born on March 20, 1910, in Hamgyong Province, Korean Empire (now part of North Korea), into a poor peasant family. His birth name was 박덕산_{Park Deok-san}^Korean, and he also used the alias 김덕산_{Kim Deok-san}^Korean. He adopted the name Kim Il as a pseudonym, reportedly to signify his unwavering loyalty to Kim Il Sung.

1.2. Anti-Japanese Resistance and Soviet Service

Kim Il joined the underground Communist Party of Korea in 1932, actively engaging in clandestine party activities and mass organization work. From October 1935, he participated in armed resistance against Japanese colonial rule in Manchuria, joining anti-Japanese partisan units. He served as the political commissar for the 8th Regiment of the 6th Division of the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army. He also held the position of secretary for the Yanji County Committee of the Chinese Communist Youth League.

After entering Soviet territory, he became the party secretary for the 1st Battalion of the 88th Independent Rifle Brigade of the Soviet military. For his service, he was awarded the Order of the Red Star in September 1945.

2.1. Contribution to North Korean Regime Establishment

In August 1945, Kim Il returned to Korea, arriving at Wonsan port on September 19 aboard the Soviet ship Pugachev, along with other members of the 88th Brigade. He was appointed secretary of the Pyongan Province Party Committee in November 1945 and became a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Korean Communist Party. In April 1946, he was appointed Standing Committee Member and Political Committee Member of the Workers' Party of North Korea Central Committee. In September of the same year, he concurrently served as the Cultural Deputy Division Commander of the 1st Division, contributing significantly to the strengthening and development of the Korean People's Army. He also held the position of Deputy Commander and Cultural Deputy Commander of the Security Cadre Training Battalion.

In 1948, with the establishment of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, he was elected as a delegate to the 1st Supreme People's Assembly (SPA), a position he held continuously until his death. On September 2, 1948, immediately after the government's establishment, he was appointed Vice Minister of the Ministry of National Defense. In 1949, he served as the Director of the Political Security Bureau of the Korean People's Army and was dispatched as a secret envoy to the Communist Party of China, where he explained North Korea's invasion plans to Mao Zedong and sought support.

During the Korean War, he served as the Military Commissioner of the Korean People's Army Frontline Command. On December 21, 1950, at a plenary session of the Party Central Committee, he was criticized for "surrenderism" (specifically, stating that they could not fight without airplanes) and dismissed, along with Mu Jeong, Lim Chun-chu, Choi Gwang, and Kim Han-jung. However, he was later reinstated, serving as the Political Bureau Director of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Chairman of the South Pyongan Province Party Committee, primarily overseeing rear-area wartime operations.

2.2. Government and Party Positions

Kim Il's career saw him rise through a series of increasingly influential government and party roles. In June 1953, he was appointed Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee. In August of the same year, he was elected as the newly established Vice Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee, as well as a member of the Central Committee Standing Committee and the Party Military Committee.

In March 1954, he was appointed Vice Premier of the Cabinet, and in April, he concurrently became the Minister of Agriculture. In these roles, he oversaw post-war reconstruction efforts and the implementation of policies related to socialist foundation building, contributing to the development of the party's line. In April 1956, at the 3rd Party Congress, he was elected a member of the Party Standing Committee (Politburo), becoming the fourth-highest-ranking official within the party.

On October 23, 1962, he was promoted to First Vice Premier. In October 1966, at the 2nd Party Representative Conference, he became a Standing Committee Member of the Party Political Committee (Politburo Standing Committee) and a Central Committee Secretary.

On December 27, 1972, with the enactment of the Socialist Constitution of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea at the 1st Session of the 5th Supreme People's Assembly, the Cabinet was reorganized into the Administration Council. On December 28, Kim Il was appointed the first Premier of the Administration Council. He served in this capacity until April 29, 1976, when he resigned due to deteriorating health. Immediately thereafter, he was appointed Vice President of North Korea by the SPA, a position he held until his death in 1984. His appointment as Vice President was renewed on December 15, 1977. At the 6th Workers' Party of Korea Congress in October 1980, he was re-elected to the Presidium of the Politburo of the WPK.

3.1. Foreign Relations and Policies

In the 1960s, Kim Il actively promoted North Korea's independent stance amidst the Sino-Soviet split, seeking to maintain autonomy from both the Soviet Union and China. He attempted to persuade the Socialist Republic of Romania to avoid joining Comecon, mirroring North Korea's own non-alignment with the economic bloc. He also participated in negotiations for trade and defense pacts with the Soviet Union, announcing the conclusion of economic and military agreements with Moscow by March 1967.

On July 13, 1965, Kim Il led an economic delegation to North Vietnam. During a theatrical performance, he publicly stated North Korea's willingness to deploy troops to the Vietnam War in response to South Korea's participation, signaling North Korea's intent to intervene.

3.2. Inter-Korean Relations and Reunification Efforts

Kim Il played a significant role in North Korea's inter-Korean relations and reunification efforts, often serving as a vocal proponent of Pyongyang's hardline stance. In 1979, he took on the chairmanship of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland, a role he continued to hold in the early 1980s.

In 1981, following Kim Il Sung's proposal for a "Democratic Federal Republic of Koryo" (conditional on the ousting of South Korean president Chun Doo-hwan), and Chun's subsequent counter-proposal for a visit to the South, Kim Il stepped forward to vehemently denounce the South Korean administration. He demanded that all of Kim Il Sung's preconditions be met before any dialogue could commence. He issued a statement calling Chun Doo-hwan's proposal "nothing but a foolish burlesque designed to whitewash [Chun's] dirty nation-splitting nature and gain public favor with the 'presidential election' at hand... Chun Doo Hwan is not a man worthy for us to do anything with... [The proposal is] a foolish act of a rogue who does not know where his place is."

Kim Il further elaborated on North Korea's conditions for dialogue, stating:
"In the light of the present complicated North-South relations... it is clear to everyone that a possible time for general elections is far off, and moreover it is not logical to hold general elections according to principles of national self-determination and democratic procedure while leaving foreign troops and maintaining the military fascist system in South Korea as they are. As for the formation of a Consultative Conference for National Reunification with those who represent the will of the people, it can only be regarded as mere empty talk under the present state of harsh repression where the conscientious people who speak for the demands of the popular masses are all cast into prison and their political activities banned by law in South Korea.... The US troops must be withdrawn from South Korea, democratization carried out there and the anti-communist confrontation policy brought to an end. We are ready to meet the present South Korea rulers even tomorrow, if they show their new start by their deeds, by removing these obstacles blocking the way of national reunification. In that case the reunification consultative body to be organized may take any form-be it a conference for promotion of national reunification or a consultative council for national unification, we will not be nervous about its name. We only hold that the authorities of the North and the South and representatives of different parties and groupings and of all strata at home and abroad should participate in it, and that all reunification proposals to be raised, including the proposal for the establishment of the Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo, and immediate questions for developing North-South relations in the interests of national reunification should be discussed."

Three weeks later, in his capacity as Chairman of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland, Kim Il proposed a conference of 50 representatives from the North and 50 from the South. Notably, the proposal included the names of desired Southern representatives who were prominent politicians of parties banned in South Korea in 1980, conspicuously excluding any from the ruling party.

4.1. Family

Kim Il was married to a Chinese woman whose name is not publicly known. He had two sons:

• Park Yong-seok (박용석_{Park Yong-seok}^Korean; 1928 - March 2007), who later served as the Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea Central Committee Inspection Committee.
• Park Gi-seo (박기서_{Park Gi-seo}^Korean; 1929 - January 5, 2010).

4.2. Evaluations and Relationships

Kim Il was widely respected among his contemporaries. Yu Seong-cheol, a former North Korean official, described him as a remarkable individual with warmth and breadth of character, quick and accurate in his understanding. However, Yu also noted that Kim Il lacked a strong desire for power and did not engage in the machinations typical of power struggles. It is believed that Kim Bong-ryul, a member of the Soviet faction, was able to survive under Kim Il Sung's regime largely due to Kim Il's protection.

Heo Jin (also known as Im Eun), in his work Secret History of the Establishment of the North Korean Dynasty, characterized Kim Il as principled yet mild-mannered, one of the most trusted anti-Japanese partisans alongside Kim Chaek and Kang Kon. He described Kim Il as a warm, humane, and practical individual who earned the respect and trust of cadres from Soviet, Yan'an, domestic, and partisan backgrounds alike. Ju Yeong-bok, in The Truth of the Korean War, depicted him as a tall, educated realist, and notably, the only general who genuinely recognized the critical role of airplanes in modern warfare. Kim Il was also known for protecting individuals like Lee Hwal, who had been labeled a pro-Japanese collaborator, helping him recover confiscated property.

Due to another prominent figure named Kim Il (金日), who served as the Cultural Training Deputy Director, the two were often distinguished as "big Kim Il" (referring to the subject of this article) and "small Kim Il."

At the time of his death, Kim Il was formally ranked second only to Kim Il Sung and even outranked Kim Jong Il, Kim Il Sung's designated successor. Despite this, he was reportedly critical of Kim Jong Il's rise. However, official North Korean narratives, such as those from the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA), lauded him as Kim Il Sung's "closest and finest revolutionary comrade-in-arms," describing his death as "a painful, big loss to our party and people." Furthermore, North Korea asserts that Kim Il strongly advocated for Kim Jong Il's succession. According to this narrative, at the 8th Plenary Session of the 5th Party Central Committee in February 1974, Kim Il Sung initially hesitated to appoint Kim Jong Il to the Party Politburo due to his youth. However, Kim Il reportedly took the lead in advocating for Kim Jong Il's selection as a Politburo member and his eventual succession, with other cadres following suit, thereby solidifying Kim Jong Il's position as the designated heir.