Hotsumi Ozaki

2.1. Birth and Childhood in Taiwan

Ozaki Hotsumi was born on April 29, 1901, in what is now Minato Ward, Tokyo, Japan. His father, Ozaki Hotoma, was a journalist for the Hochi Shimbun newspaper. Just five months after his birth, his family relocated to Taiwan when his father was invited by Shinpei Gotō, then head of the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, to serve as the chief editor of the Chinese language department for the Taiwan Nichi Nichi Shimpo newspaper. Ozaki spent his childhood and adolescence in Taipei, attending Taipei First Middle School (now Taipei Municipal Jianguo High School).

Growing up in Taiwan, a Japanese colony, profoundly influenced Ozaki. He developed a deep respect and affection for Chinese culture and was fond of the island. His father, who worked for the Japanese colonial government, instilled in him the idea that Japan, as the most advanced Asian nation, had a special "civilizing mission" not only in Taiwan but across Asia. Ozaki was raised bilingually, educated in the classics of both Japanese and Chinese literature to better understand China. However, he grew increasingly opposed to the crude anti-Chinese racism prevalent among Japanese ultra-nationalists, who viewed Chinese people as mere "ants" or slaves. This stark contrast between his cultural appreciation and the discriminatory attitudes he witnessed led to a growing estrangement from his own country's prevailing ideology.

2.2. Education and Intellectual Formation

In 1922, Ozaki returned to Japan and enrolled in the Legal Department of Tokyo Imperial University. His intellectual formation was significantly shaped by the turbulent political and social climate of the early 20th century. A pivotal moment occurred in the aftermath of the 1923 Great Kantō earthquake, when extreme right-wing groups engaged in vigilante killings of ethnic Koreans and left-wingers with impunity, fueled by rumors of looting. Ozaki was deeply disturbed by the government's tolerance of these atrocities and the widespread societal prejudice, which solidified his turn towards Marxism.

He became deeply engrossed in Marxist thought, reading works such as Karl Marx's Capital and Vladimir Lenin's Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism and The State and Revolution. He felt a heroic mission to pioneer socialism in Japan. His interest in Chinese issues was particularly sparked by Karl August Wittfogel's Waking China. He pursued graduate studies at Tokyo Imperial University's Faculty of Law and Political Science, participating in a study group on Nikolai Bukharin's historical materialism led by Professor Yoshitaro Omori of the Faculty of Economics. This period cemented his commitment to communism.

2.3. Early Journalism and Political Awakening

Ozaki left university without graduating in 1925, having become involved in the activities of the Japanese Communist Party. In May 1926, he joined the Asahi Shimbun newspaper in Tokyo, working in the social affairs department. Here, he wrote articles on Soviet leaders like Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin. During this time, he used the pseudonym "Kusano Genkichi" while participating in socialist study groups and the Kanto Publishing Union.

In October 1927, he was transferred to the China department of the Osaka Mainichi Shimbun (now Mainichi Shimbun). During his assignment in Osaka, he reconnected with Takeo Fuyuno, a senior from his high school who was a member of the Japanese Communist Party, and was further influenced by him. Before his transfer to Shanghai, his high school and university classmate, Goro Hani, who had returned from Germany, emphasized the importance of researching and analyzing local newspapers. These early journalistic experiences and political engagements deepened his opposition to the prevailing militaristic and nationalist currents in Japan.

3.1. Correspondent and Intellectual Exchange

In November 1928, Ozaki was dispatched to Shanghai, China, as a special correspondent for the Osaka Asahi Shimbun. Fluent in English and German, he covered diplomatic affairs under bureau chief Unosuke Ota. Initially, Ozaki believed that Britain held a parasitic economic relationship with China and that the Chinese nationalist movement was primarily anti-British. However, he was shocked to hear Chinese demonstrators shout "Expel Japan!" and "Boycott Japanese goods!", indicating a strong anti-Japanese sentiment.

While in Shanghai, Ozaki frequented the Uchiyama Bookstore, where he befriended its owner, Kanzo Uchiyama, and other prominent figures like Guo Moruo, Lu Xun, and Xia Yan of the League of Left-Wing Writers. He also established contacts with members of the Chinese Communist Party and representatives of the Comintern leadership based in Shanghai. In his newspaper articles, Ozaki expressed strong sympathy for Chinese nationalism and the struggle to dismantle the "unequal treaties" imposed on China.

In 1932, Ozaki covered the First Battle of Shanghai. He was deeply traumatized by witnessing Japanese soldiers execute Chinese prisoners of war on the streets of Shanghai, on the grounds that Chinese people were mere "ants" and not human beings. This event further solidified his critical stance against Japanese imperialistic aggression.

3.2. Meeting Richard Sorge

Ozaki's involvement in intelligence work began indirectly through his connections in Shanghai. In November 1928, at the Zeitgeist bookstore run by Irene Weitemeyer, he met the left-wing American journalist Agnes Smedley. Smedley, who was involved with the Comintern, introduced Ozaki to the Comintern's main intelligence apparatus, leading to his indirect cooperation in intelligence activities.

In 1930, Smedley introduced Ozaki to "Johnson," a correspondent for the Frankfurter Zeitung, who was in fact Richard Sorge. Their initial encounter took place at a Japanese restaurant called Tokiwa-tei. Through Sorge, Ozaki's reports on the activities of the Nanjing Government were sent to Moscow and highly praised. At a Chinese restaurant called Anhuazhong, Sorge revealed his identity as a Comintern member and requested Ozaki's cooperation, which Ozaki accepted. Although initial reports suggested Smedley was the primary introducer, Ozaki later testified that Gin'ichi Kitō, an American Communist Party member working for a transportation company under Mantetsu (South Manchuria Railway), had actually introduced him to Sorge. However, Sorge denied any connection with Kitō, leading the official record to attribute the introduction to Smedley.

In the spring of 1931, Ozaki met Teikichi Kawai through Shigeo Komatsu of the Mantetsu Shanghai Office, during a meeting of the "Nichi-Shi Tōsō Dōmei" (Japan-China Struggle Alliance). To gather information on the Kwantung Army's movements, Ozaki dispatched Kawai to Manchuria in June of the same year. These connections laid the crucial groundwork for Ozaki's deeper involvement in Soviet espionage.

4.1. Return to Japan and Journalism

In late February 1932, Ozaki received an order to return to the Osaka headquarters of the Asahi Shimbun and was assigned to the foreign news department. His return to Japan marked a significant shift in his intelligence activities. In late May, Yotoku Miyagi, also known as "Minami Ryūichi," visited the headquarters. Through Miyagi, Ozaki reunited with Sorge in early June in Nara. During this meeting, Sorge formally recruited Ozaki into his intelligence network, and Ozaki pledged full support, officially becoming a member of the Sorge spy ring. His code name within the ring was "Otto." Ozaki also frequently met with Gin'ichi Kitō in Kobe and Osaka.

In October 1934, Ozaki transferred to the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, where he worked in the newly established East Asia Problem Research Council. Through his extensive writings and articles, Ozaki solidified his reputation as a leading expert on Sino-Japanese relations.

4.2. Shōwa Kenkyūkai and the "Breakfast Club"

Ozaki's proximity to the Japanese political elite increased significantly from 1936. That year, he participated as a China expert in the Institute of Pacific Relations conference held in Yosemite, California. During this conference, he met and befriended Kōichi Saionji and also became acquainted with Tomohiko Ushiba, who served as Saionji's interpreter. It was at a party during this conference that Ozaki was formally introduced to Sorge by a Dutch representative from the Dutch East Indies, finally learning Sorge's true name (until then, Sorge had been "Johnson" to Ozaki).

In April 1937, Ozaki was recruited by Ryūnosuke Gotō to join the Shōwa Kenkyūkai (Shōwa Research Association), a prominent think tank established by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, through the introduction of Sasahiro Sasahiro. In July, he resigned from Tokyo Asahi and, through Ushiba's mediation, became an advisor (内閣嘱託) to the First Konoe Cabinet.

From 1938, Ozaki was invited by Konoe to join his exclusive inner circle, informally known as the "Breakfast Club" (朝食会, Chōshokukai). This group of select members would meet weekly over breakfast to discuss current events and policy decisions. This relationship continued through the Second Konoe Cabinet and Third Konoe Cabinet. By participating in these high-level discussions, Ozaki was uniquely positioned to gather information on the very decisions he was tasked with uncovering for Soviet intelligence. On June 1, 1939, he also began working as an advisor for the Tokyo branch of the Mantetsu Research Department (満鉄調査部), a position he held until his arrest.

4.3. Advisor to Prime Minister Konoe

Ozaki's direct advisory capacity to Prime Minister Konoe placed him at the heart of Japanese policy-making during a critical period. He was able to provide insights and even influence government policy from within. His connections extended beyond Konoe to other senior Japanese politicians and even military leaders. For instance, his friend Kōichi Saionji, an advisor to the Foreign Ministry, had close ties with Shigeru Fujii of the Imperial Japanese Navy General Staff. This network allowed Ozaki to gain intimate knowledge of military affairs.

The Shōwa Kenkyūkai, where Ozaki was a key member, played a significant role in formulating national policy and promoting the formation of the Imperial Rule Assistance Association (大政翼賛会), which steered Japan towards a one-party, military-bureaucratic dictatorship. The "Shōwa Juku," a group that evolved from the Shōwa Kenkyūkai, was composed of communists like Ozaki and "reformist bureaucrats" from the Cabinet Planning Board (企画院). Their ideological underpinnings were largely based on Marxism. This deep integration into the political and intellectual establishment allowed Ozaki to influence the discourse and direction of Japanese policy, even as he served as a Soviet agent.

5.1. Collaboration with Richard Sorge

Ozaki's operational relationship with Richard Sorge began in earnest upon his return to Japan in 1932. As a key member of the Sorge spy ring, Ozaki was tasked with gathering sensitive information and copying secret documents, which he obtained through his close contacts with Prime Minister Konoe and other high-ranking Japanese politicians. His code name, "Otto," became synonymous with the invaluable intelligence he provided.

The primary objective of their group, as Ozaki later confessed during his interrogation, was to protect the Soviet Union, seen as the most crucial pillar of the world communist revolution, from Japanese imperialism. Ozaki's role was to provide insights into Japan's strategic intentions, particularly regarding its stance towards the Soviet Union, China, and the Western powers.

5.2. Influence on Japanese Policy

Ozaki's intelligence and advice significantly influenced key Japanese policy decisions during the critical pre-war period. His ability to access and interpret top-secret information, combined with his advisory role, allowed him to subtly steer policy debates in ways that aligned with Soviet objectives, primarily aiming to prevent a Japanese attack on the Soviet Union and to entangle Japan in a protracted conflict elsewhere.

6.1. Arrest and Investigation

On October 15, 1941, Hotsumi Ozaki was arrested in connection with the Sorge Incident, a major espionage case that uncovered a Soviet spy ring operating in Japan. His arrest came after an extensive investigation by the Japanese authorities. During his interrogation, Ozaki was remarkably cooperative, providing voluminous testimony across 28 sessions with prosecutors and judicial police officers, and another 28 sessions with preliminary judges.

It was revealed during these interrogations that Ozaki had been working with Sorge since his return to Japan in 1932. Through his close contacts with Prime Minister Konoe and other senior Japanese politicians, he was able to gather and copy secret documents, which he then passed on to Sorge. Ritsu Itō, who was imprisoned with Ozaki at the time, recalled Ozaki's significant weight loss, while preliminary judge Kenji Kobayashi, who met Ozaki for a separate investigation, was surprised to see that Ozaki's hair had turned completely white. Prime Minister Konoe himself was reportedly shocked upon learning of Ozaki's true identity, apologizing to Emperor Shōwa and expressing deep responsibility for his "complete ignorance."

6.2. Trial and Sentencing

The legal proceedings against Ozaki were conducted under strict wartime security measures. On September 29, 1943, the Tokyo Criminal District Court handed down a death sentence to Ozaki. The presiding judge, Tadashi Takada, was reportedly a former classmate and friend of Ozaki's from both high school and Tokyo Imperial University.

The charges against Ozaki included violations of the National Defense Security Law (国防保安法, Kokubō Hoan Hō), the Military Secrets Protection Law (軍機保護法, Gunki Hogo Hō), and the Public Order Maintenance Law (治安維持法, Chian Iji Hō), all of which constituted treason. On April 5, 1944, the Grand Court of Cassation (大審院, Daishin'in) rejected his appeal, upholding the death sentence.

6.3. Execution

Hotsumi Ozaki was executed by hanging on November 7, 1944, at Sugamo Prison (巣鴨拘置所, Sugamo Kōchisho). This date symbolically coincided with the anniversary of the Russian Revolution. He was executed alongside Richard Sorge, the leader of the spy ring.

Takeo Mitamura, who encountered Ozaki in prison during the period when his death sentence was confirmed, recalled Ozaki's calm and composed demeanor, noting that he seemed to have "completed a great task" and showed no signs of distress. Ozaki's execution, along with Sorge's, marked the culmination of one of the most significant espionage cases in Japanese history, with far-reaching consequences for the individuals involved and for the historical understanding of Japan's path to war. Ozaki's grave is located in Tama Cemetery (多磨霊園, Tama Reien).

7.1. Marxism and Communism

Ozaki's commitment to Marxism-Leninism was a direct response to the societal injustices, discrimination, and state violence he witnessed from a young age. His intellectual journey, starting from his critical observations of Japanese nationalism in Taiwan and his trauma from the Great Kantō earthquake aftermath, led him to embrace communist principles. He engaged deeply with Marxist texts and participated in communist study groups, eventually joining the Japanese Communist Party.

He considered himself "the most loyal and practical communist," concealing his activities even from his colleagues and wife until his arrest. During his interrogation after his arrest, Ozaki articulated his core belief: "The purpose and mission of our group, in a narrow sense, was to protect the Soviet Union, the most important pillar for the execution of the world communist revolution, from Japanese imperialism." He believed that Japan's economic fragility, exacerbated by the protracted Second Sino-Japanese War, would lead to a fatal collapse. To avoid this catastrophe and prevent being temporarily overwhelmed by Britain and the United States, Japan's only viable option was to form an alliance with the Soviet Union, receive aid, fundamentally transform its socio-economy, and firmly establish itself as a socialist state. This perspective highlights his view of communism not merely as a political system but as a necessary path for Japan's survival and transformation.

7.2. Views on East Asia and International Relations

Ozaki envisioned a transformed East Asian order based on regional cooperation and anti-imperialism, a stark departure from Japan's expansionist policies. He believed that a close alliance between the Soviet Union, China, and Japan was the alternative to a full-scale war with the United States. Furthermore, he advocated for a broader "ethnic community" that would include all peoples liberated from Western powers, such as India, Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, and the Philippines, with the Soviet Union, China, and Japan at its core. He also considered the inclusion of Mongolian, Islamic, Korean, and Manchurian peoples in this community.

This vision fundamentally contrasted with the contemporary concept of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, which Ozaki viewed as an incorrect path. Instead, he believed that Japan needed to transform into a socialist state, following China's example, to achieve a global communist "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" based on communist ideology. His writings and actions, including his critical analysis of Japanese actions in China and his advocacy for a protracted war against the Nationalist Government, were aimed at fostering a situation where China would move towards communism, and eventually, Japan would follow, leading to a socialist transformation and solidarity in East Asia. His views were rooted in a profound anti-imperialist stance and a desire for a more equitable and cooperative regional order, rather than one dominated by Japanese military might.

8.1. Marriage and Family Life

Ozaki Hotsumi's marital life was unconventional. His wife, Eiko, was not only his cousin (his aunt's daughter) but had also been previously married to his elder brother, Honami. Their relationship began as an affair before they married.

Ozaki maintained a connection with his family despite his dangerous clandestine activities. From prison, he wrote a collection of letters to his wife and daughter, explaining his actions and motivations. These letters were posthumously published in 1946 under the title 愛情はふる星のごとく_{Aijō wa Furu Hoshi no Gotoku}^Japanese (Love Is Like a Falling Star), which became a bestseller in Japan, offering a glimpse into his private thoughts and justifications for his "betrayal" of his country. His daughter, Yoko, later married Seiichi Imai, a historian specializing in modern Japanese history, who subsequently edited Ozaki's collected works.

8.2. Personal Relationships

Beyond his family, Ozaki maintained significant personal relationships that intersected with his political and intelligence work. Notably, he had an intimate relationship with Agnes Smedley, the American left-wing journalist who introduced him to Richard Sorge. In February 1946, when Ayako Ishigaki visited Smedley in the United States, Smedley was reportedly devastated upon learning from Ishigaki that Ozaki had been executed in 1944, exclaiming, "My husband was dead?" This anecdote underscores the depth of their personal connection.

Ozaki's family also includes his half-brother, Hideki Ozaki, a writer and literary critic who served as a former president of the Japan P.E.N. Club. Hideki Ozaki has written extensively about Hotsumi and the Sorge Incident, sharing his own experiences of being ostracized as "the spy's brother" and receiving threats after Hotsumi's arrest. These personal accounts provide a more human dimension to the figure of Hotsumi Ozaki, beyond his identity as a spy and political advisor.

9.1. Journalistic Works

As a journalist for the Asahi Shimbun and later the Mainichi Shimbun, Ozaki published numerous influential articles and essays. He was particularly known for his sharp analysis of China and international affairs. His articles, appearing in prominent publications like Asahi Shimbun, Chūō Kōron, and Kaizō, established his reputation as an expert on Chinese issues.

His critical views on Japanese policy towards China and his advocacy for a protracted war against the Nationalist Government, as detailed in articles like "On the Nanjing Government" and "The Course of a Protracted War," were highly influential. These works, while serving his clandestine objectives, also shaped public opinion and political debate in Japan, making him a recognized authority in his field. His last wartime essay, "To Fight Through the Great War to the End," was published in the November 1941 issue of Kaizō, shortly after his arrest.

9.2. Books and Translations

Ozaki's published books further cemented his status as a leading intellectual on Sino-Japanese relations. His notable single-authored works include:

• Recent developments in Sino-Japanese relations (1936)
• 現代支那批判_{Gendai Shina Hihan}^Japanese (Critique of Modern China) (1936)
• 國際関係から見た支那_{Kokusai Kankei kara Mita Shina}^Japanese (China from the Perspective of International Relations) (1937)
• 嵐に立つ支那 : 転換期支那の外交・政治・経済_{Arashi ni Tatsu Shina: Tenkanki Shina no Gaikō, Seiji, Keizai}^Japanese (China Standing in the Storm: Diplomacy, Politics, and Economy of China in Transition) (1937)
• 現代支那論_{Gendai Shina Ron}^Japanese (On Modern China) (1939)
• 支那社会経済論_{Shina Shakai Keizai Ron}^Japanese (On Chinese Socio-Economics) (1940)
• 東亜民族結合と外國勢力_{Tōa Minzoku Ketsugō to Gaikoku Seiryoku}^Japanese (East Asian Ethnic Unification and Foreign Powers) (1941)

He also contributed to several collaborative works, such as 南京政府の正体_{Nankin Seifu no Shōtai}^Japanese (The True Nature of the Nanjing Government) (1937) and 事變處理と國際關係支那の現状と國際政局_{Jihen Shori to Kokusai Kankei Shina no Genjō to Kokusai Seikyoku}^Japanese (Handling the Incident and International Relations: The Current State of China and the International Political Situation) (1940).

In addition to his original works, Ozaki was known for his translation work. Most notably, he translated Agnes Smedley's autobiographical novel Daughter of Earth into Japanese, published under the pseudonym "Shirakawa Jiro" in 1934. He also translated G.F. Hudson's World Politics and East Asia in 1940.

Posthumously, collections of his works and letters were published, including 愛情はふる星のごとく_{Aijō wa Furu Hoshi no Gotoku}^Japanese (Love Is Like a Falling Star: Prison Correspondence) (1946), a compilation of letters to his wife and daughter from prison, and the five-volume 尾崎秀実著作集_{Ozaki Hotsumi Chosakushū}^Japanese (Collected Works of Hotsumi Ozaki) (1977-1979).

10.1. Public Perception and Re-evaluation

After World War II, the public perception of Hotsumi Ozaki underwent a significant shift. Initially condemned as a traitor, he gradually came to be viewed by some as a martyr. This re-evaluation was fueled by the publication of his prison letters, Love Is Like a Falling Star, which offered a personal glimpse into his ideological convictions and his rationale for his actions. The book became a bestseller, humanizing Ozaki and prompting many to consider his actions within the broader context of Japan's pre-war militarism and his anti-imperialist stance.

The debate over whether Ozaki was an "patriot or traitor," or whether his ideology was "nationalist or internationalist," continues to divide opinions. His half-brother, Hideki Ozaki, recounted the ostracism and threats his family endured after Hotsumi's arrest, highlighting the societal condemnation. However, figures like Akira Kazami, a politician who served as Minister of Justice during Ozaki's arrest and was close to him, continued to trust Ozaki even after the incident came to light. Kazami argued that dismissing the Sorge-Ozaki Incident as a mere "despicable spy case" would be a mistake. He drew parallels between Ozaki's execution and historical figures like Christian martyrs under the Tokugawa shogunate or Shōin Yoshida, who were executed for advocating ideas contrary to the ruling power. Kazami suggested that Ozaki's execution might have been a "bugle call to guide this nation to a new era." Similarly, philosopher Shunsuke Tsurumi famously referred to Ozaki as a "statesman" (国士, kokushi), a term implying a person of great national character and vision.

Since 1975, annual visits have been made to the tombs of Hotsumi Ozaki and Richard Sorge, indicating a persistent interest in their story and a segment of society that views them sympathetically. Despite this, there is no public monument dedicated specifically to Hotsumi Ozaki.

10.2. Historical Assessments

Academic and critical analyses of Ozaki's role have provided diverse historical perspectives. Contemporary economist Yuichi Horie highly praised Ozaki's overall China commentaries, particularly his book China Standing in the Storm, for their "sharp observation and thorough analysis," indicating his significant reputation as a commentator even under the suppression of communist thought.

Chalmers Johnson's An Instance of Treason: Ozaki Hotsumi and the Sorge Spy Ring (1964) is a seminal work that brought Ozaki's story to a wider international audience, analyzing his motivations and the intricacies of the spy ring. Other scholars have delved into his ideological underpinnings, particularly his Marxist critique of imperialism and his vision for East Asian cooperation, contrasting it with Japan's militaristic expansion.

The "Ozaki Hotsumi's Conspiracy Operations" theory, which posits that Ozaki's actions were part of a broader Comintern strategy to exhaust Japan's resources in China and push it into conflict with Western powers, represents a critical assessment of his role as an agent of foreign influence. However, other assessments emphasize his genuine anti-imperialist convictions and his belief that his actions, though controversial, were aimed at preventing Japan's self-destructive path and fostering a more just East Asian order. These varied interpretations reflect the complexity of Ozaki's character and the enduring historical debate surrounding his legacy.

11.1. Impact on Historical Discourse

Ozaki's life and the Sorge Incident profoundly shaped the study of Japanese pre-war politics, espionage, and the lead-up to World War II. The revelations from the Sorge trial, particularly Ozaki's insider knowledge of Konoe's cabinet, provided historians with unprecedented insights into the decision-making processes at the highest levels of the Japanese government during a critical period. His confessions and later published letters offered a unique perspective from within the establishment, albeit from a position of ideological opposition.

The incident highlighted the vulnerabilities of Japan's political elite to foreign intelligence and spurred debates about the nature of national loyalty, ideology, and the causes of the Pacific War. Scholars continue to analyze how Ozaki's intelligence influenced Japan's strategic shifts, particularly the decision to pursue southern expansion over a northern thrust against the Soviet Union, underscoring the significant, albeit indirect, impact of espionage on major geopolitical events. The Sorge-Ozaki incident remains a crucial case study in understanding the interplay of internal political dynamics, international relations, and clandestine operations in shaping historical outcomes.

11.2. Portrayals in Arts and Media

Hotsumi Ozaki's compelling story has been adapted into various forms of art and media, reflecting different interpretations of his character and motivations.

• No Regrets for Our Youth (わが青春に悔なし_{Waga Seishun ni Kuinashi}^Japanese), a 1946 Japanese film loosely based on Ozaki's life, was written and directed by Akira Kurosawa. The film explores themes of idealism, betrayal, and the consequences of political commitment during wartime.
• In the 2003 film Spy Sorge (スパイ・ゾルゲ_{Supai Zorge}^Japanese), directed by Masahiro Shinoda and based on the life of Richard Sorge, Ozaki is portrayed by Masahiro Motoki. This film provides a detailed depiction of the Sorge spy ring's operations and the relationships between its members.
• A Japanese Called Otto (オットーと呼ばれる日本人_{Otto to Yobareru Nihonjin}^Japanese), a play by Junji Kinoshita, centers on Ozaki's character. It was first performed in 1962 and has seen numerous productions in Japan, including a recent revival in 2008. An English translation by Lawrence Rogers was published in Patriots and Traitors: Sorge and Ozaki: A Japanese Cultural Casebook in 2009.
• The 1956 Japanese film 愛は降る星のかなたに_{Ai wa Furu Hoshi no Kanata ni}^Japanese (Love is Beyond the Falling Stars), directed by Takeichi Saitō, features a character named Sakazaki Hidemi, loosely based on Ozaki, played by Masayuki Mori.
• The 1961 French-Japanese co-production Spy Sorge/Pearl Harbor Eve (スパイ・ゾルゲ/真珠湾前夜_{Supai Zorge/Shinjuwan Zen'ya}^Japanese), directed by Yves Ciampi, features Akira Yamauchi as Ozaki.
• Naoki Ota's novel 赤い諜報員 ゾルゲ、尾崎秀実、そしてスメドレー_{Akai Chōhōin Sorge, Ozaki Hotsumi, Smedley}^Japanese (Red Agent: Sorge, Hotsumi Ozaki, and Smedley) (2007) is another literary work that explores Ozaki's life and his connections within the spy ring.

These cultural depictions reflect the enduring fascination with Hotsumi Ozaki's story, offering various interpretations of his complex character as a journalist, intellectual, and spy caught in the ideological and geopolitical struggles of his time.