Lee Hae-chan

1.1. Education and Student Activism

Lee Hae-chan initially enrolled in the Textile Engineering Department at Seoul National University in 1971 but found it unsuitable for his aptitude. He subsequently withdrew and re-enrolled in the Sociology Department at Seoul National University in 1972.

His involvement in student activism began in earnest following the declaration of the Yushin Constitution on 17 October 1972. After a period of school closure, his father's reproach about the lack of student protests prompted his return to Seoul and joining student activist circles. Despite facing difficult circumstances and supporting himself through manual labor, Lee was arrested and imprisoned for one year in 1974 due to his involvement in the Mincheong Hakryeon Incident. Following his release, he worked briefly for a trading company, a translation office founded by dismissed journalists from the Dong-A Ilbo, and as a full-time staff member at Amnesty International Korea.

Driven by his interest in publishing, he worked at Beomwusa Publishing House. In 1978, he married Kim Jeong-ok, whom he had met through an academic club in the Sociology Department, and together they established Gwangjang Books. He later founded "Hanmadang" and "Pyeongmin Seodang" publishing houses, but their registrations were canceled for publishing "subversive books." Undeterred, he established Dolbegae Publishing House, primarily focusing on social science publications.

In 1980, Lee Hae-chan was implicated in the Kim Dae-jung Internal Rebellion Conspiracy Incident, leading to his second imprisonment. He was released after two and a half years through a Christmas special pardon. He then fully committed to the pro-democracy movement, becoming the Secretary-General of the National Coalition for Democracy and Reunification. Despite being under constant surveillance by the military dictatorship as a person of interest, he continued his anti-dictatorship and publishing activities. He finally graduated from Seoul National University in August 1985, 14 years after his initial enrollment. In 1987, Lee was elected as a standing executive member of the National Movement Headquarters for Democratic Constitutionalism and served as the situation room manager during the June Democracy Movement.

2.1. Entry into Politics and National Assembly Activities

In late 1987, Lee Hae-chan joined the Peace Democratic Party as a founding member of the Hankook Ilbo newspaper and a critical supporter of Kim Dae-jung's presidential campaign. In the 1988 general election, he successfully ran as a Peace Democratic Party candidate for the Gwanak District B constituency in Seoul, defeating Kim Chong-in of the Democratic Justice Party to secure his first term in the National Assembly. He was subsequently re-elected five consecutive times, serving a total of seven terms, earning him the nickname "Election Emperor" for his consistent electoral victories.

During the 13th National Assembly, he was a prominent member of the Labor Committee, known as one of the "Labor Committee's Three Musketeers" alongside Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Sang-soo. In 1988, he was appointed as the executive secretary of the National Assembly's Special Committee for Investigating the Gwangju Uprising, where his intense questioning of officials involved in the Fifth Republic made him a prominent figure in the televised hearings. He was also elected as the Deputy Floor Leader of the Peace Democratic Party that year.

Lee Hae-chan was recognized as a top-tier legislator by various newspapers for his active engagement. From early 1991, he advocated for political reform, emphasizing the need for opposition party reform to achieve a change in government. In a July 1991 article for Sindong-a magazine, he criticized the opposition's inability to achieve a change in power, including Kim Dae-jung. He briefly left the party in June 1991 due to frustrations with the failure of opposition unity and internal party democratization, but rejoined after the opposition parties merged. Despite facing criticism for his earlier remarks against Kim Dae-jung, he was later welcomed back into the party.

In 1992, he served as the Director of Party Affairs Planning for the Democratic Party, and in 1993, he chaired the Democratic Party's Special Committee on Environment. In 1994, he gained attention for exposing secret documents related to surveillance and suppression of opposition figures by the Agency for National Security Planning.

In July 1995, Lee Hae-chan led the election campaign headquarters for Cho Soon, the Democratic Party's candidate for Seoul Mayor in the local elections. Following Cho Soon's victory, Lee was appointed as the 31st Deputy Mayor of Seoul for Political Affairs. After five months, in December 1995, he resigned from this position to serve as the head of the general election planning team for the National Congress for New Politics, which Kim Dae-jung founded after his return to politics in September 1995. From May 1996 to May 1997, he chaired the National Congress for New Politics' Policy Committee, leading policy coordination with the United Liberal Democrats. In July 1997, he was appointed Deputy Head of the party's 15th Presidential Election Planning Headquarters. After Kim Dae-jung's narrow victory in the December 1997 presidential election, Lee was named the policy subcommittee secretary for the Presidential Transition Committee, serving until February 1998.

2.2. Minister of Education (1998-1999)

Upon the inauguration of the Kim Dae-jung administration, Lee Hae-chan was appointed the 38th Minister of Education, serving from March 1998 to May 1999. During his tenure, he spearheaded a series of significant and often controversial educational reforms.

2.3. Prime Minister of South Korea (2004-2006)

Lee Hae-chan was nominated by President Roh Moo-hyun as the 36th Prime Minister of South Korea on 8 June 2004. His nomination was approved by the National Assembly on 29 June, and he officially took office on 30 June. His appointment faced some initial resistance due to his controversial record as Minister of Education, which many considered a failure. However, after assuming office, Lee proved to be a capable Prime Minister, with some describing him as the most powerful Prime Minister South Korea had ever seen.

2.3.1. Major Activities as Prime Minister

As Prime Minister, Lee Hae-chan played a central role in the Roh Moo-hyun administration, often described as a "responsible Prime Minister" who actively shaped national policy. He successfully resolved the long-standing issue of establishing a nuclear waste disposal site, a project that had been stalled for 19 years. He also initiated and promoted the relocation of public institutions to provincial areas, a key policy aimed at balanced national development. In August 2005, he co-chaired the Committee for the 60th Anniversary of Liberation.

Lee Hae-chan was known for his strong will and willingness to express differing opinions even to President Roh Moo-hyun. For instance, he reportedly strongly opposed the appointment of Yoo Si-min as Minister of Health and Welfare, exercising the Prime Minister's right to recommend cabinet members, though he eventually conceded. He also voiced opposition to the Grand National Party's proposal for a grand coalition. While he was sometimes criticized for his direct and confrontational remarks towards the opposition Grand National Party, which occasionally led to parliamentary disruptions, he managed to serve nearly two years as Prime Minister without significant issues until his resignation.

2.4. Party Leadership

Lee Hae-chan has held significant leadership positions within major progressive political parties in South Korea. After leaving the Prime Minister's office, he served as a standing advisor for the Uri Party. In 2011, he co-founded "Innovation and Integration," a progressive civic group aimed at unifying opposition parties, and became one of its standing representatives. When the Democratic United Party was formed in December 2011 through the merger of the Democratic Party, the Civic Integration Party, and the Federation of Korean Trade Unions, Lee was appointed as a standing advisor.

In the lead-up to the 2012 South Korean presidential election, he successfully ran for the National Assembly in the newly established Sejong City constituency, returning to the legislature after a four-year hiatus. On 9 June 2012, at the Democratic United Party's extraordinary national convention, Lee Hae-chan was elected as the party leader, defeating Kim Han-gil. In his acceptance speech, he emphasized the party's commitment to achieving a change in government. However, amid negotiations for a unified opposition candidate for the 2012 presidential election, calls from Ahn Cheol-soo's camp for the party leadership to resign led to Lee and the entire party leadership stepping down on 18 November 2012.

In the 2016 South Korean legislative election, despite being excluded from the party's official nomination by the interim leader Kim Chong-in, Lee Hae-chan successfully ran as an independent in the Sejong City constituency. He rejoined the Democratic Party of Korea in September 2016 after Choo Mi-ae became the party leader.

On 25 August 2018, Lee Hae-chan was elected as the leader of the ruling Democratic Party of Korea, defeating Song Young-gil and Kim Jin-pyo. He declared his intention to firmly support the Moon Jae-in government and take unlimited responsibility for its success and re-election. He did not run in the 2020 South Korean legislative election and retired from politics on 29 August 2020, upon the expiration of his term as party leader, handing over the position to Lee Nak-yon.

2.5. Activities during the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun Governments

During the Kim Dae-jung government, beyond his role as Minister of Education, Lee Hae-chan served as the chairman of the Millennium Democratic Party's Special Committee for Inter-Korean Summit Support and the president of the Korea-Austria Friendship Association in the National Assembly. He was also elected as a Supreme Council member of the Millennium Democratic Party and co-chaired the 'Civil-Government Joint Committee for the Establishment of Peaceful Assembly and Demonstration Culture'. In 2001, he became the chairman of the Millennium Democratic Party's Policy Committee.

In May 2001, an audit by the Board of Audit and Inspection revealed significant financial issues within the Ministry of Health and Welfare regarding the implementation of the separation of prescribing and dispensing drugs. The Ministry had reported that the drug separation policy would not significantly increase insurance financial burden and would minimize inconvenience for the public, predicting a 274.40 B KRW deficit in 2000 and financial stability thereafter. However, the audit found that the National Health Insurance Corporation had exceeded its staff quota by 1,029 people, paid 25.80 B KRW in severance to special retirees in October 2000, and paid 2.90 B KRW annually to 96 full-time union staff despite a regulation limiting them to 11. Additionally, wage increases were 14.2 % (three times the government's guideline of 5 %). While a 350.00 B KRW saving in drug manufacturing costs was predicted, an increase of over 700.00 B KRW was expected by 2001. Lee Hae-chan, then the ruling party's policy chairman, reportedly walked out of a policy discussion due to frustration over the mutual blame-shifting between the National Assembly and the Ministry of Health and Welfare regarding accountability for these issues.

During the Roh Moo-hyun government, Lee Hae-chan was a key figure in Roh's presidential campaign in 2001. In November 2003, he left the Millennium Democratic Party to participate in the formation of the Uri Party, becoming the head of its founding planning team. After the Uri Party's establishment on 11 November, he joined the party and was elected as the head of the Uri Party's National Assembly Reform Promotion Team. He also served as an advisor to the Korea-Japan Parliamentarians' Union.

In 2004, when the Grand National Party and the Democratic Party submitted an impeachment motion against President Roh Moo-hyun, Lee Hae-chan, along with figures like Yoo Si-min, strongly protested within the National Assembly, though they could not prevent the impeachment. His opposition to the impeachment, combined with his reputation from the Gwangju hearing and education reforms, made him a well-known figure. A September 2004 poll showed him as the second most favored politician in the Uri Party, after Chung Dong-young.

After his term as Prime Minister, on 27 October 2006, Lee Hae-chan was appointed as a Special Advisor for Political Affairs to the President. He also served as a standing advisor for the Uri Party and later as chairman of its committee. In March 2007, he visited North Korea and met with Kim Yong-nam, the President of the Presidium of the Supreme People's Assembly.

2.6. Activities during the Moon Jae-in Government

Shortly after the inauguration of the Moon Jae-in government in May 2017, Lee Hae-chan was dispatched as a special envoy to China. However, his reception, which was reportedly on par with that of the Hong Kong Chief Executive, was criticized by some media as a "cold shoulder" from China.

On 20 July 2018, he announced his candidacy for the leadership of the Democratic Party of Korea, stating his commitment to firmly support the success of the Moon Jae-in government. On 25 August, he was elected as the party leader with 42.88% of the votes. As party leader, he led the Democratic Party of Korea to a landslide victory in the 2020 South Korean legislative election. He did not run in that election and retired from politics on 24 August 2020, upon the expiration of his term as party leader, passing the position to Lee Nak-yon.

2.7. Timeline of Key Positions

4.1. Authored Books

• Gwangju Democratic Uprising (co-authored, 1988)
• At the Crossroads of Democracy and Unification (1989)
• Twelve Heartbreaking Letters (co-authored, 2005)
• Lee Hae-chan, the Third Son of Cheongyang's Mayor Lee (2007)
• Ten People Talk About Roh Moo-hyun (co-authored, 2010)
• Asking the Way in the Square (co-authored, 2011)

4.2. Translated Works

• The Sociological Imagination by C. Wright Mills
• World Environmental Politics (Korean edition)
• Dom Hélder Câmara - Apostle of Justice and Peace by Jo Sed Brouckere (1979)

6.1. Criticism Regarding Education Reform

His tenure as Minister of Education was particularly contentious, leading to widespread public debates and criticisms. The "Lee Hae-chan generation" controversy, which alleged a decline in academic standards among high school students due to his reforms, was a major point of contention. Critics, including conservative media outlets like The Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and The Dong-a Ilbo, as well as teacher organizations, strongly opposed his push for the high school equalization policy, labeling it "foolish equalization." His efforts to crack down on corrupt teachers and reduce the teacher retirement age also met with strong resistance and protests from teacher unions. The long-term positive and negative impacts of his equalization policies on inter-school disparities and student academic performance remain a subject of ongoing debate.

6.2. Other Controversies

Lee Hae-chan has faced allegations related to ethics and public conduct, including physical altercations and discriminatory remarks.

In December 1995, while serving as the Deputy Mayor of Seoul, Lee Hae-chan allegedly physically assaulted four Songpa-gu district office employees in his office. This incident occurred after a land and building value error in a property transaction involving his brother led to a registration rejection by the court. Witnesses claimed Lee verbally abused the kneeling employees, threw documents, and slapped them multiple times, also ordering a special audit of Songpa-gu. During his prime ministerial confirmation hearing, he admitted to slapping a journalist from a major newspaper around 1987, stating it occurred during an argument over a "misleading report" about Rev. Moon Ik-hwan, who was working for democratization and the unification of the two Kims. He also faced allegations of slapping a Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education supervisor in 1995 after a sexual harassment incident in his daughter's class, though he denied the physical assault while admitting to verbal abuse.

In the early 1990s, he reportedly threw a water cup at the Gwanak-gu district mayor during a disagreement.

His frequent golf outings during times of national crisis drew significant public criticism. In September 2004, he played golf just before visiting the families of soldiers killed in an accidental firing incident. In April 2005, he played golf with senior officials during a major wildfire in Gangwon Province. In July 2005, he was criticized for playing golf on Jeju Island during severe rainfall warnings in the southern regions. The most prominent incident occurred on 1 March 2006, when he played golf with Busan businessmen instead of attending the March 1st Movement commemorative ceremony, amidst a major railroad and subway strike. This led to his resignation as Prime Minister. These incidents, particularly the 2006 golf scandal, resulted in new regulations prohibiting public officials from playing golf with work-related individuals, excluding relatives.

In December 2018, during a congratulatory event for the Democratic Party of Korea's National Committee for Persons with Disabilities, Lee Hae-chan made a controversial remark, stating, "More pathetic than physically disabled people are..." He then corrected himself, saying, "Ah, I misspoke," but continued, "There are many mentally disabled people in politics to the extent that one wonders if they are normal." The National Federation of Persons with Disabilities for the Abolition of Discrimination strongly criticized his comments, stating they were "not just 'misleading' but 'precisely demeaning' to disabled people," and demanded he receive human rights education. In January 2020, during an appearance on the Democratic Party's official YouTube channel, he caused further controversy by stating, "Congenital disabled people have been disabled since childhood, so their will is weak," while discussing Choi Hye-young, a professor with a spinal cord injury who was the party's first recruited talent.

7.1. Political Influence

Lee Hae-chan's political influence stems from his consistent commitment to progressive ideals, his strategic acumen, and his deep understanding of policy. As a seven-term National Assembly member, he demonstrated remarkable electoral resilience, earning him the moniker "Election Emperor." His roles as Minister of Education and Prime Minister allowed him to implement significant reforms, even if controversial, reflecting his determination to drive change.

He was a pivotal figure in the Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun administrations, serving as a key policy architect and a close confidant to both presidents. His leadership within various progressive parties, from the Peace Democratic Party to the Democratic Party of Korea, highlights his role in unifying and strengthening the progressive political bloc. He is credited with contributing to the Democratic Party's landslide victory in the 2020 general election as its leader, solidifying its position as the ruling party. His retirement in 2020 marked the end of an era for a politician who was instrumental in shaping the direction of South Korean liberalism.

7.2. Social Perception

Public perception of Lee Hae-chan has been mixed, often reflecting the polarizing nature of his policies and controversies. His education reforms, particularly the "Lee Hae-chan generation" controversy, led to significant criticism regarding academic standards, which persisted in public discourse for years. His golf scandals, especially the 2006 incident during a national strike, severely damaged his public image and led to his resignation as Prime Minister, drawing widespread condemnation for perceived insensitivity and neglect of duty. His remarks regarding disabled individuals also sparked outrage and accusations of discrimination.

However, he is also widely respected by his supporters and many political observers for his strong convictions, policy expertise, and unwavering commitment to democratic values. He is seen as a principled politician who was not afraid to challenge the status quo and push for reforms, even in the face of strong opposition. His long and successful electoral record also speaks to a significant base of public support and trust. Experts often acknowledge his strategic capabilities and his role as a "real power broker" within the progressive camp, effectively translating political vision into tangible policy.