Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax

1. Early life and education

Edward Frederick Lindley Wood was born on 16 April 1881 at Powderham Castle in Devon, the residence of his maternal grandfather, William Courtenay, 11th Earl of Devon. He hailed from a distinguished Yorkshire family, being the sixth child and fourth son of Charles Wood, 2nd Viscount Halifax (1839-1934) and Lady Agnes Elizabeth Courtenay (1838-1919). His father served as President of the English Church Union, an organization advocating for ecumenical reunion. His great-grandfather was Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey, the former Prime Minister who notably introduced the Reform Act 1832.

A significant turning point in his childhood occurred between 1886 and 1890 when his three older brothers died prematurely. This left him, at the tender age of nine, as the heir to his father's considerable fortune and future seat in the House of Lords. His upbringing was deeply rooted in religion and the tradition of hunting. His profound religiosity as a devout Anglo-Catholic, mirroring his father's faith, earned him the nickname "Holy Fox," possibly coined by Winston Churchill. Despite being born with an atrophied left arm and no left hand, he actively pursued and enjoyed riding, hunting, and shooting. He utilized an artificial left hand equipped with a spring-operated thumb, which allowed him to hold reins or open gates.

Wood's early life was primarily divided between two family estates in Yorkshire: Hickleton Hall, near Doncaster, and Garrowby. He commenced his education at St David's Prep School in September 1892, followed by Eton College in September 1894. He found his time at school challenging, as he did not excel in either sports or classical studies. In October 1899, he matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford. While he did not engage in student politics, he flourished academically, graduating with a first-class degree in Modern History. During his time at Oxford, he was a member of the exclusive, all-male dining society known as the Bullingdon Club, which was notable for its affluent members, lavish banquets, and often boisterous behavior.

From November 1903 until 1910, Wood served as a Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. After a year at All Souls, he embarked on a Grand Tour that included visits to South Africa, India, Australia, and New Zealand alongside Ludovic Heathcoat-Amory. He returned to England in 1905 for two years of study at All Souls and subsequently visited Canada in 1907. In 1909, he authored a concise biography of the Victorian cleric John Keble.

2. Early political career and war service

Edward Wood did not contest the 1906 United Kingdom general election, a period when the Liberals secured a landslide victory. Instead, he chose to dedicate his efforts to his All Souls Fellowship. By 1909, the political climate had shifted sufficiently for Wood to put himself forward as a candidate for the Conservative candidacy in Ripon, Yorkshire, where his local influence facilitated his selection. Ripon, which had elected a Liberal in 1906, was won by Wood with a majority of 1,000 votes in the January 1910 United Kingdom general election and retained with a reduced majority in the December 1910 United Kingdom general election. He continued to serve as a Member of Parliament for Ripon until his elevation to the House of Lords in 1925. He was a "Ditcher," strongly opposing the Parliament Act 1911 and advocating for the House of Lords' right to veto legislation until the very end, though he made little political impact before 1914. He was also a vigorous opponent of the Welsh Disestablishment.

Before the outbreak of the First World War, Wood held the rank of captain in the Queen's Own Yorkshire Dragoons, a West Riding yeomanry regiment. He made a rare intervention in parliamentary debate, advocating for the immediate introduction of conscription. In 1916, he was deployed to the front line. In January 1917, he was mentioned in despatches, an honor he humorously remarked was for "Heaven Knows What For." He was promoted to the rank of major. From November 1917 until the end of 1918, he served as deputy director of Labour Supply at the Ministry of National Service. Initially sympathetic to Lord Lansdowne's proposal for a compromise peace, he ultimately called for an all-out victory and a punitive peace settlement.

Wood ran unopposed in the UK general elections of 1918, 1922, 1923, and 1924. In April 1919, he was a signatory to the Lowther Petition, which demanded harsher peace terms against Germany during the negotiations for the Treaty of Versailles. In the 1918-1922 Parliament, Wood allied with Samuel Hoare, Philip Lloyd-Greame, and Walter Elliot, all ambitious younger MPs who supported progressive reform.

In 1918, Wood co-authored "The Great Opportunity" with George Lloyd (later Lord Lloyd), a tract intended to set an agenda for a revitalized Conservative and Unionist Party following the conclusion of the Lloyd George coalition. They urged the Conservative Party to prioritize community welfare over individual good. Amidst the ongoing Irish War of Independence, Wood advocated for a federal solution. During this period, his focus was primarily on housing, agriculture, and Irish affairs.

3. Early ministerial career

In May 1920, Wood accepted an offer to become Governor-General of South Africa; however, the offer was subsequently withdrawn after the South African government expressed a preference for a cabinet minister or a member of the royal family. In April 1921, he was appointed Under-Secretary for the Colonies under Winston Churchill, who was initially reluctant to meet him. On one occasion, Wood reportedly confronted Churchill, stating he "expected to be treated like a gentleman." During the winter of 1921-1922, Wood visited the British West Indies and compiled a report for Churchill.

On 16 October 1922, Wood attended a meeting of junior ministers who voiced concerns about the Lloyd George Coalition. Three days later, on 19 October 1922, he voted at the Carlton Club meeting in favor of the Conservatives contesting the next election as an independent force. This decision led to the end of the Coalition, and Bonar Law formed a purely Conservative government. Wood was promoted to the Cabinet on 24 October 1922, assuming the role of President of the Board of Education. This appointment was seen by some as an improvement in the moral character of the government. However, austerity policies limited the scope for constructive initiatives. Wood, who dedicated two days a week to hunting, was neither particularly interested in nor effective at the job, viewing it primarily as a stepping stone to higher office. He expressed dissatisfaction with Stanley Baldwin's adoption of tariffs in December 1923, which resulted in the Conservatives losing their majority and the formation of a minority Labour government.

When the Conservatives were returned to power on 6 November 1924, Wood was appointed Minister for Agriculture, a role he found more demanding than his previous position in Education. He successfully guided an Agriculture and Tithes Bill through the House of Commons.

4. Viceroy of India

In October 1925, Lord Birkenhead, then Secretary of State for India, offered Wood the position of Viceroy of India, a suggestion reportedly made by King George V. This role had a family connection, as his paternal grandfather, Sir Charles Wood, had served as Secretary of State for India from 1859 to 1865. Wood initially hesitated to accept, citing his two sons who were of school age and his elderly father, who seemed unlikely to live until the end of his proposed term in 1931. However, he ultimately accepted on the advice of his father, who indeed lived to see his son's return from India. He was created Baron Irwin, of Kirby Underdale in the County of York, in December 1925. He departed for India on 17 March 1926, arriving in Bombay on 1 April 1926. Upon his appointment, Irwin was honored with the GCSI and GCIE in 1926.

Irwin embraced the ceremonial grandeur of the viceroyalty. An accomplished horseman, he stood at 6.4 ft ^{(1.96 m)}. He was described as having a "Cecilian stoop and sympathetic kindly eyes" and conveyed the impression of a Prince of the Church. Several attempts were made on his life during his tenure. He demonstrated greater empathy towards Indians than his predecessors, though he did not hesitate to sign death warrants when he deemed them justified. His objective was to foster greater unity among Indians and strengthen their amity with the United Kingdom. His inaugural major speech as viceroy, and several subsequent addresses throughout his term, urged an end to to communal violence between Hindus and Muslims.

4.3. Agreement with Mahatma Gandhi

In November 1930, King George V inaugurated the First Round Table Conference in London; however, no Congress delegates participated due to Gandhi's imprisonment. In January 1931, Gandhi was released, and at Irwin's invitation, they held eight meetings together. Irwin described his interactions with Gandhi to his father as "rather like talking to someone who had stepped off another planet onto this for a short visit of a fortnight and whose mental outlook was quite other to that which was regulating most of the affairs on the planet to which he had descended." Nevertheless, they developed mutual respect founded on their shared religious faiths.

These fortnight-long discussions culminated in the Gandhi-Irwin Pact on 5 March 1931. Under the terms of the pact, the Civil Disobedience Movement and the boycott of British goods were suspended in exchange for a Second Round Table Conference that would represent all interests. The key points of the agreement included:

• The Congress would discontinue the Civil Disobedience Movement.
• The Congress would participate in the Round Table Conference.
• The Government would withdraw all ordinances issued to curb the Congress.
• The Government would withdraw all prosecutions related to non-violent offenses.
• The Government would release all persons serving sentences of imprisonment for their activities in the civil disobedience movement.

It was further agreed that Gandhi would attend the Second Round Table Conference as the sole representative of the Congress. On 20 March 1931, Irwin publicly commended Gandhi's honesty, sincerity, and patriotism at a dinner hosted by ruling princes. However, on the evening of 23 March 1931, the Indian revolutionaries Bhagat Singh, Shivaram Rajguru, and Sukhdev Thapar were hanged following a trial widely considered unlawful and unfair, with their execution controversially brought forward by 12 hours.

5. British politics 1931-1935

Irwin returned to the United Kingdom on 3 May 1931. He was honored with the Order of the Garter, and later became Chancellor of the Order of the Garter in 1943. In 1931, he declined the offer of the Foreign Office in the new National Government, partly because of anticipated opposition from the Tory Right. Officially, he stated a desire to spend more time at home. He subsequently traveled to Canada at the invitation of Vincent Massey to speak at the University of Toronto. He remained a staunch protégé of Stanley Baldwin. In June 1932, following the sudden death of Sir Donald Maclean, he reluctantly rejoined the Cabinet as President of the Board of Education for the second time. His views on education were somewhat traditional; he notably declared, "We want a school to train them up to be servants and butlers."

Irwin became Master of the Middleton Hunt in 1932 and was elected Chancellor of Oxford University in 1933, a position he held until his death in 1959. In 1934, he inherited the title Viscount Halifax upon the death of his 94-year-old father. He played a crucial role in assisting Samuel Hoare in drafting what became the Government of India Act 1935, which was the largest single piece of legislation enacted by the 1931-1935 government. In June 1935, when Baldwin became prime minister for the third time, Halifax was appointed Secretary of State for War. He was pleased to relinquish the Education portfolio. Despite his concern that the country was unprepared for war, he resisted the Chiefs of Staffs' demands for significant rearmament. In November 1935, following the general election, Halifax was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords.

6. Foreign policy

Halifax's foreign policy roles and decisions, particularly during the lead-up to World War II, were pivotal in shaping Britain's international stance. His approach evolved from an initial alignment with appeasement to a firmer commitment to deterrence.

6.1. Colleague of Eden

By the mid-1930s, Halifax was steadily gaining influence in foreign affairs. On the morning of 18 December 1935, the Cabinet convened to address the public outcry over the Hoare-Laval Pact. Halifax, scheduled to make a statement in the Lords that afternoon, insisted that Foreign Secretary Samuel Hoare must resign to safeguard the government's position. This stance prompted J. H. Thomas, William Ormsby-Gore, and Walter Elliott to also call for Hoare's resignation. Anthony Eden was subsequently appointed Foreign Secretary in Hoare's place. The following year, Halifax remarked that the Pact's provisions "were not so frightfully different from those put forward by the Committee of Five [of the League]. But the latter were of respectable parentage: and the Paris ones were too much like the off-the-stage arrangements of nineteenth-century diplomacy." Though not formally designated, Halifax effectively served as Eden's deputy Foreign Secretary. He was also a signatory to the Anglo-Egyptian Treaty of 1936. Generally, their professional relationship was harmonious.

Halifax and Eden shared a common perspective on foreign policy, aligning with the prevailing sentiment across Britain that Nazi Germany's remilitarization of the Rhineland, its "own backyard," would be difficult to oppose and should be viewed positively as it signaled Germany's apparent return to normalcy after the challenges of the post-First World War settlement. In 1936, Neville Chamberlain noted that Halifax frequently expressed a desire to retire from public life. In May 1937, when Neville Chamberlain succeeded Baldwin as prime minister, Halifax became Lord President of the Council, while retaining his role as Leader of the House of Lords. Chamberlain increasingly began to intervene directly in foreign policy, an area for which his background had not prepared him, leading to growing tension with Eden.

In November 1937, Halifax undertook a semi-official visit to Germany, where he met Adolf Hitler. The visit originated from an invitation by Hermann Göring to Halifax, in his private capacity as Master of the Middleton Hunt, to attend a hunting exhibition in Berlin and hunt foxes with Göring in Pomerania. Halifax later stated his initial reluctance regarding the circumstances of the visit, though Eden had urged him to accept. Halifax's trip to Germany was not an attempt by Chamberlain to bypass the Foreign Office. In Germany, Göring humorously dubbed Halifax "Halalifax," referencing a German hunting call, Halali!. At Berchtesgaden, he had a lengthy and tense meeting with Hitler, whom he initially mistook for a footman and attempted to hand his coat to. During these discussions, Halifax spoke of "possible alterations to the European order which might be destined to come about with the passage of time." Disregarding Eden's reservations, he did not object in principle to Hitler's ambitions concerning Austria and parts of Czechoslovakia and Poland, though he emphasized that only peaceful processes of change would be acceptable. At the time, Halifax was generally perceived publicly as acting on behalf of the British government, aiming to re-establish dialogue with the German government.

Writing to Baldwin about a conversation between Carl Jacob Burckhardt (the League of Nations' Commissioner of Danzig) and Hitler, Halifax stated: "Nationalism and Racialism is a powerful force but I can't feel that it's either unnatural or immoral! I cannot myself doubt that these fellows are genuine haters of Communism, etc.! And I daresay if we were in their position we might feel the same!"

In December 1937, Halifax informed the Cabinet that "we ought to get on good terms with Germany," as, despite the best efforts of Eden and Chamberlain, Britain still faced the prospect of war with Germany, Italy, and Japan. By February 1938, Halifax warned Chamberlain of internal strains within the Cabinet and attempted to mediate between Chamberlain and Eden. Eden resigned as Foreign Secretary on 20 February, protesting Chamberlain's desire to make further concessions to Benito Mussolini, whom Eden regarded as an untrustworthy figure, without reciprocal gestures of good faith. Halifax was appointed Foreign Secretary on 21 February 1938, despite some criticism from Labour and other quarters that such a crucial position was being given to a peer. Halifax remarked, "I have had enough obloquy for one lifetime" (referring to his time as viceroy of India) before accepting the appointment. Chamberlain preferred him to the more excitable Eden, stating, "I thank God for a steady unruffled Foreign Secretary."

6.3. Munich

Hitler's annexation of Austria in March 1938 intensified Halifax's resolve regarding British rearmament. Czechoslovakia was clearly next on Germany's agenda, but neither Britain nor France believed they possessed the military capacity to support it. In the summer of 1938, Halifax still advocated for privately urging the Czechoslovaks to make concessions to Germany, which was demanding changes regarding the status of the Sudeten Germans. Halifax remained in London and did not accompany Chamberlain on his dramatic flights to Germany in the autumn of 1938. This was once interpreted as a sign of Chamberlain's absolute dominance over his Cabinet.

However, it is now understood that a candid conversation with his pugnacious Permanent Secretary, Sir Alexander Cadogan, brought Halifax to the stark realization that the path of appeasement had led Britain into a series of unwise concessions that were unlikely to secure the necessary pacification of Germany. On 25 September 1938, Halifax spoke out in Cabinet against the inflated demands presented by Hitler in the Godesberg Memorandum after his second summit meeting with Chamberlain. It is now known that Halifax, influenced by Cadogan, persuaded the Cabinet to reject the Godesberg terms. Britain and Germany teetered on the brink of war until Chamberlain flew to Munich. Chamberlain could ill afford to lose a second Foreign Secretary, and his dominance over his Cabinet was never again as overwhelming.

The eventual Munich Agreement, signed after Chamberlain's third summit meeting with Hitler, was widely popular around the world but humiliating to many within the British government. It fell short of Hitler's ultimate desires (and of Chamberlain's initially proposed concessions) and only strengthened Hitler's determination to return and dismantle Czechoslovakia in the spring. On 3 October 1938, Halifax defended the Munich Agreement in the House of Lords, doing so in much more measured terms than the Prime Minister, presenting it not as a triumph but as the lesser of two evils.

The Munich crisis marked a turning point where Halifax began to adopt a stronger stance than Chamberlain against further concessions to Germany. Andrew Roberts argues that from this point onward, Halifax firmly committed to a policy of deterrence. He hoped that increased rearmament-including the strengthening of alliances with and economic support to the countries of Eastern Europe, and the reintroduction of conscription-coupled with a firmer line towards Germany, Italy, and Japan, would reduce the risks of these three hostile powers acting in combination. Notably, when war eventually began, neither Japan nor Italy was prepared to join the conflict until the balance of power had shifted significantly in Germany's favor.

6.4. Shift Towards Deterrence

After Munich, Halifax successfully advised Chamberlain against capitalizing on his popularity by calling a snap general election. Instead, he urged (though in vain) Chamberlain to broaden the National Coalition by offering ministerial positions not only to Churchill and Eden but also to Labour and Liberal figures. Halifax was also deeply disgusted by the anti-Jewish pogrom of Kristallnacht on 10 November 1938. He advocated for British financial aid to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe to prevent them from falling under Germany's influence. As Hitler's lack of commitment to the Munich Agreement became increasingly apparent, Halifax steadily worked to strengthen Britain's position by pushing Chamberlain to take economic measures to underpin British interests in Eastern Europe and prevent additional military supplies, such as tungsten, from reaching Germany. In January 1939, Halifax accompanied Chamberlain to Rome for talks with Mussolini. That same month, Halifax pressed for staff talks with France, recognizing the growing danger of war with both Germany and Italy simultaneously. After Hitler violated the Munich agreement and occupied the remaining parts of "Czecho-slovakia" (the hyphen had been added after Munich), Chamberlain delivered a speech in Birmingham on 17 March 1939, pledging that Britain would go to war to defend Poland. Halifax had been one of the key drivers behind this significant shift in policy. By March 1939, Eden, then out of office, observed that thanks to Halifax, the government was "now doing what we would wish."

Halifax granted a guarantee to Poland on 31 March 1939, prompted by alarming intelligence of German preparations. This was done in hopes of sending clear signals to Germany that, in Halifax's words, there would be "no more Munichs." The Foreign Office received intelligence in early April 1939 that Italy was preparing to invade Albania. At a Cabinet meeting on 5 April 1939, Halifax initially dismissed these reports. Two days later, Italy invaded Albania; Halifax met Sir Alexander Cadogan and "decided we can't do anything to stop it." Although he disliked the Soviet regime, particularly its atheism, Halifax was quicker than Chamberlain to realize that Britain should attempt to ally with the Soviets. He told the Foreign Affairs committee: "Soviet Russia is something between that of the unconquerable steamroller and looking on her as entirely useless militarily. We cannot ignore a country with a population of 180,000,000 people."

The negotiations with the Soviet Union in the summer of 1939 ultimately failed, leading to the Soviets signing an agreement with the Germans instead on 23 August. It has been suggested that Halifax should have led the negotiations himself, but this would not have served Halifax's purpose, as his government had not conducted the negotiations in good faith. The Foreign Office confirmed to the US chargé d'affaires on 8 August 1939 that "the military mission, which had now left Moscow, had been told to make every effort to prolong discussions until 1 October 1939." Halifax disclosed to the Foreign Affairs Committee on 10 July 1939: "Although the French were in favour of the military conversations commencing, the French Government thought that the military conversations would be spun out over a long time and as long as they were taking place we should be preventing Soviet Russia from entering the German camp."

While Henry Roberts credited Halifax's Soviet counterpart, Maxim Litvinov, with acute perceptive skills and an ability "to detect major trends in the 1930s and to anticipate the course of events," Halifax himself had completely misunderstood Hitler. Halifax stated: "Hitler had a very low opinion of the Soviet Union, and our action [in aligning with the Soviets] would confirm to him the idea that we were a weak and feeble folk." On the contrary, what truly concerned Hitler was the prospect of a joint pact between France, Britain, and the Soviet Union, which would prevent a German-Soviet agreement. Halifax was unaware that in April 1939, Hitler had told Ernst von Weizsäcker that he was considering a reconciliation with the Soviet Union. On 2 August 1939, Hitler asked Konstantin von Neurath, a former Foreign Minister and career diplomat during the Weimar Republic, whether the German people would accept such an ideological shift from anti-communism to signing a pact with the Soviet Union. Neurath assured Hitler that he "could do what he liked with the [National Socialist] Party."

With Poland now facing the likely prospect of being partitioned between Germany and the Soviets, the diarist "Chips" Channon, Parliamentary Private Secretary to Halifax's junior minister Rab Butler, who opposed the guarantee, recorded on 25 August 1939 that "the barometer of war kept shifting" and that "the Polish guarantee was [Halifax]'s pet scheme and favourite god-child." When Germany invaded Poland, Halifax refused any negotiations as long as German troops remained on Polish soil. However, he stood firm with Chamberlain, who delayed committing to war until France had also committed. Both faced a Cabinet revolt, which insisted that Britain honor its guarantee to Poland. Britain declared war on Germany on 3 September 1939.

7. May 1940 Crisis and Premiership

On 8 May 1940, Chamberlain's government narrowly survived a motion of no confidence, triggered by the deteriorating military situation in Norway. The government, with a nominal majority of 213 in the House, won the "Norway Debate" vote with a majority of only 81; 33 Conservatives and 8 of their allies voted with the opposition parties, and 60 abstained. Churchill, who had only grudgingly been appointed First Lord of the Admiralty, nonetheless mounted a strong and passionate defense of Chamberlain and his government during the debate. Under ordinary circumstances, such a weak vote might not have been politically disastrous, but it proved decisive at a time when the Prime Minister faced strong criticism from both sides of the House and there was a widespread desire for national unity. Speaking with Churchill after the vote, Chamberlain admitted his dismay and stated his intention to form a coalition government with the Labour and Liberal parties, a proposal Churchill opposed.

At 10:15 AM the following morning, 9 May, Chamberlain met with Halifax and Churchill in the Cabinet Room. Churchill's own account of these events, published eight years later in The Gathering Storm, the first volume of his The Second World War, does not entirely align with contemporary accounts, such as Halifax's own diary, Alexander Cadogan's record of his conversations with Halifax, or accounts provided by Chamberlain or by the Chief Whip David Margesson (whose presence at the meeting Churchill does not mention). Churchill described a battle of wills in which Chamberlain opened the meeting by arguing that Churchill could not command the support of the Labour Party after having to defend the government in the Norway Debate. This was met with a lengthy silence before Halifax, with some hesitation, expressed his own unsuitability for the job. Other accounts depict Halifax demurring much more rapidly, with Churchill actively agreeing with him. Churchill also misdated the events of 9 May to the following day; although his writing assistant William Deakin accepted responsibility for this error, he later confirmed in a 1989 interview that Churchill's account was embellished after numerous retellings and was not intended to be taken literally. The portrayal of Chamberlain attempting to tacitly persuade Churchill to agree to Halifax's appointment as prime minister is also difficult to reconcile with Halifax having expressed his reluctance to Chamberlain at a meeting between the two men earlier on the morning of the 9th.

At 4:30 PM that afternoon, Chamberlain held another meeting, attended by Halifax, Churchill, and the leader and deputy leader of the opposition Labour Party (Clement Attlee and Arthur Greenwood respectively). He asked the Labour leaders if they would agree to serve in a coalition government. They replied that it might be possible, but only under a different prime minister, and that before giving an official answer, they would need the approval of Labour's National Executive Committee, then in Bournemouth preparing for the annual conference, which was scheduled to begin on the following Monday. They were asked to telephone with the result of the consultation by the following afternoon. In his diary entry for 9 May, written the following morning, Halifax later recorded:
:I had no doubt at all in my own mind that for me to succeed him would create a quite impossible situation. Apart altogether from Churchill's qualities as compared with my own at this particular juncture, what would in fact be my position? Churchill would be running Defence, and in this connexion one could not but remember the relationship between Asquith and Lloyd George had broken down in the first war... I should speedily become a more or less honorary Prime Minister, living in a kind of twilight just outside the things that really mattered.

The Labour leaders telephoned at 5:00 PM on the 10th to report that the party would participate in a coalition government, but only under the leadership of someone other than Chamberlain. Accordingly, Chamberlain went to Buckingham Palace to tender his resignation, recommending that George VI ask Churchill to form a government. Upon assuming office, one of Churchill's first actions was to form a new, smaller War cabinet by replacing six Conservative politicians with Greenwood and Attlee, retaining only Halifax and Chamberlain.

Churchill's political position was initially weak, despite his popularity with the Labour and Liberal parties due to his stance against appeasement in the 1930s. He was unpopular within the Conservative Party and might not have been the King's preferred choice. Halifax, by contrast, had the support of most of the Conservative Party and the King, and was acceptable to the Labour Party. His position as a peer was merely a technical barrier given the scale of the crisis, and Churchill reportedly expressed willingness to serve under Halifax. As Lord Beaverbrook famously put it, "Chamberlain wanted Halifax. Labour wanted Halifax. Sinclair wanted Halifax. The Lords wanted Halifax. The King wanted Halifax. And Halifax wanted Halifax." However, the last sentence was incorrect; Halifax did not wish to become prime minister. He genuinely believed that Churchill's energy and leadership skills were superior to his own.

Unlike Simon, Hoare, and Chamberlain, Halifax was not an object of Labour's animosity in May 1940. David Dutton suggests that Halifax "drew back" due to "inner self-doubt," as "political ambition had never been the most compelling motivation" for him. He experienced a stomach ache, possibly psychosomatic, at the thought of becoming prime minister, and likely believed he could exert more influence as Churchill's deputy. Like Chamberlain, he served in Churchill's cabinet but was frequently exasperated by Churchill's style of governance. Like many others, Halifax harbored serious doubts about Churchill's judgment.

8. Ambassador to the United States

When Chamberlain retired from the Cabinet due to ill health, Churchill attempted to gently remove Halifax from the Foreign Office by offering him a position as de facto Deputy Prime Minister, residing at 11 Downing Street. Halifax declined, though he did agree to resume his role as Leader of the Lords. In December 1940, the Marquess of Lothian, the British Ambassador to the United States, died suddenly. Churchill instructed Halifax to take the job, with the proviso that he could still attend War Cabinet meetings when he returned to London on leave. Churchill's secretary Jock Colville recorded on 20 December that Churchill viewed the Washington posting as a significant opportunity for Halifax to help bring the United States into the war. Colville noted Churchill's belief that Halifax "would never live down the reputation for appeasement which he and the F.O. had won themselves here. He had no future in this country." Colville thought Churchill had been influenced by monthly censorship reports, which indicated that Halifax had inherited some of Chamberlain's unpopularity. Halifax was the last individual associated with appeasement to leave the Cabinet, as Chamberlain had by then passed away, and both Hoare and Simon had already moved to other roles. Halifax and his wife desperately tried to persuade Eden to take the Washington job instead, but to no avail. Eden was subsequently reinstated to the Foreign Office in Halifax's place.

Halifax set sail for the still-neutral United States in January 1941. President Franklin D. Roosevelt personally welcomed him upon his arrival. Disregarding diplomatic protocols, Roosevelt took the presidential yacht, the Potomac, to greet Halifax as his ship entered Chesapeake Bay. Initially, Halifax inadvertently caused damage to his public image through a series of public relations missteps. Two weeks after his arrival, he visited Capitol Hill, meeting with House and Senate leaders. Upon leaving, Halifax informed reporters that he had inquired about the timetable for the passage of the Lend-Lease Act. Isolationists seized upon these meetings to decry perceived British meddling in American political affairs. He famously likened Washington politics to "a disorderly day's rabbit shooting."

Halifax was initially a cautious and elusive public figure, not as effective a public diplomat as his predecessor. While his relations with Roosevelt were satisfactory, Halifax maintained a low profile. Churchill's close engagement with the United States and his reliance on personal communication with the President meant a more constrained role for the British Ambassador. Advancements in communications technology allowed Churchill to communicate directly with Roosevelt from London; the Prime Minister was also a frequent visitor to Washington, facilitated by more advanced transportation (including faster ships and airplanes). Halifax's cousin Angus McDonnell helped him acclimate, and he soon led a highly effective propaganda effort. Even an incident that autumn, where he was pelted with rotten eggs and tomatoes by isolationists, ultimately enhanced his reputation. He maintained good relations with Roosevelt and Harry Hopkins and toured the country, meeting far more ordinary Americans than his predecessor had. He became especially popular after Pearl Harbor.

Relations increasingly revolved around military issues, channeled through the Joint Chiefs of Staff secretariat in Washington. Halifax grew weary of Washington, particularly after the death in action of his middle son, Peter, in November 1942, and the severe wounding of his younger son, Richard, in January 1943. In March 1943, he unsuccessfully requested Anthony Eden to be relieved of his post, but was compelled to remain. In May 1944, Wood was created Earl of Halifax, marking the fourth creation of that title. Halifax participated in numerous international conferences concerning the United Nations and the Soviet Union. With Labour in power under Clement Attlee from July 1945, Halifax agreed to Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin's request to stay on until May 1946. In February 1946, he was present at Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech in Fulton, Missouri, a speech of which he did not entirely approve. He believed that Churchill's view of the Soviet threat was exaggerated and urged him to adopt a more conciliatory approach. He also assisted John Maynard Keynes in negotiating the Anglo-American loan, which was finalized in July 1946.

The final year of his ambassadorship also saw the transition to President Harry S. Truman. These years included fraught moments and challenges for the relationship, as American power eclipsed that of Britain, and British interests and rights were occasionally overlooked, notably the cessation of nuclear cooperation after the construction of the atom bomb. However, the partnership during World War II was immensely successful and exceptionally close. It was a demanding post by any standard, but Halifax could reasonably claim to have played his part, and he enjoyed a notably longer term than his less successful successor Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel.

9. Later life

Upon his return to the United Kingdom, Halifax declined to rejoin the Conservative front bench, arguing that it would be inappropriate given his service to the Labour Government, which was still in office. The Labour Government proposed that India achieve full independence by May 1948 (later brought forward to August 1947), without explicit plans to protect minorities. While Viscount Templewood (formerly Samuel Hoare) opposed the plan, Halifax spoke in favor of the government, contending that it was not appropriate to oppose the plan unless a viable alternative was presented. His arguments persuaded many wavering peers to support the government.

In retirement, Halifax largely returned to honorary pursuits. He served as Chancellor of the Order of the Garter, an active governor of Eton College, and Chancellor of Oxford University and the University of Sheffield. He was an honorary Fellow of All Souls College from 1934 and High Steward of Westminster Abbey. He continued as Master of the Middleton Hunt and was President of the Pilgrims Society, an organization dedicated to fostering better Anglo-American relations. From 1947, he chaired the General Advisory Council of the BBC, and from 1957, he served as Grand Master of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George.

By the mid-1950s, his health began to decline. One of his last significant speeches in the House of Lords was in November 1956, when he criticized the government's Suez policy and the damage it inflicted upon Anglo-American relations. He did little to challenge the then-fashionable critical view of appeasement. His 1957 autobiography, Fulness of Days, was described in the Dictionary of National Biography as "gently evasive" and by David Dutton as "an extremely reticent book which added little to the historical record." It gave the impression that he had been Chamberlain's faithful subordinate, notably omitting his crucial role in shifting policy in spring 1939.

He died of a heart attack at his estate at Garrowby on 23 December 1959, at the age of 78. His widow survived him until 1976. Halifax had sold Temple Newsam to the City of Leeds for less than its market value in 1925, although a similar offer for its contents was declined by the council. In 1948, he donated 164 of his paintings to a museum being opened there by Leeds City Council. His will was valued for probate at 338.80 K GBP, equivalent to approximately 7.00 M GBP at 2016 prices. Despite his considerable wealth, Halifax was notoriously parsimonious. Rab Butler recounted an anecdote: during a meeting with Halifax, his boss at the time, an official brought in two cups of tea and four biscuits; Halifax returned two of the biscuits, instructing the official not to charge him for them.

10. Personal life and family

Halifax married Lady Dorothy Evelyn Augusta Onslow (1885-1976), the daughter of William Onslow, 4th Earl of Onslow, a former Governor-General of New Zealand, on 21 September 1909.

They had five children together:

• Lady Anne Dorothy Wood, an Officer of the Order of the British Empire (OBE) and Justice of the Peace (JP) (31 July 1910 - 25 March 1995); married Charles Duncombe, 3rd Earl of Feversham, on 14 December 1936.
• Mary Agnes Wood (31 July 1910 - 3 August 1910)
• Charles Ingram Courtenay Wood, 2nd Earl of Halifax (3 October 1912 - 19 March 1980)
• Major Hon. Francis Hugh Peter Courtenay Wood (born 5 October 1916, killed in action 26 October 1942 while serving with the Royal Armoured Corps in Egypt)
• Richard Frederick Wood, Baron Holderness (5 October 1920 - 11 August 2002); served as an MP from 1950, holding office from 1955.

11. Styles and Honours

Edward Wood's long and distinguished career was marked by numerous changes in his official style and the conferral of significant honors.

Styles

• 16 April 1881 - 8 August 1885: Edward Frederick Lindley Wood
• 8 August 1885 - 10 February 1910: The Hon. Edward Frederick Lindley Wood
• 10 February 1910 - 25 October 1922: The Hon. Edward Frederick Lindley Wood MP
• 25 October 1922 - 22 December 1925: The Rt. Hon. Edward Frederick Lindley Wood MP
• 22 December 1925 - 3 April 1926: The Rt. Hon. The Lord Irwin PC
• 3 April 1926 - 18 April 1931: His Excellency The Rt. Hon. The Lord Irwin PC, Viceroy and Governor-General of India
• 18 April 1931 - 19 January 1934: The Rt. Hon. The Lord Irwin PC
• 19 January 1934 - December 1940: The Rt. Hon. The Viscount Halifax PC
• December 1940 - 1944: His Excellency The Rt. Hon. The Viscount Halifax PC, HM Ambassador to the United States of America
• 1944-1946: His Excellency The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Halifax PC, HM Ambassador to the United States of America
• 1946-1959: The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Halifax PC

Peerages and Baronetcy

• 22 December 1925: Created 1st Baron Irwin (of Kirby Underdale in the County of York), a peerage of the United Kingdom.
• 9 January 1934: Succeeded as 3rd Viscount Halifax (2nd creation, 1866) and 5th Wood Baronet (of Barnsley, 1784) upon the death of his father.
• 11 July 1944: Created 1st Earl of Halifax (4th creation), a peerage of the United Kingdom.

Honours and Decorations

• Territorial Decoration (TD)
• 1926: Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire (GCIE)
• 1926: Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India (GCSI)
• 1931: Knight of the Order of the Garter (KG)
• 1937: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG)
• 1946: Order of Merit (OM)

Academic Degrees (Honorary)

• 1923: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Leeds
• 1931: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Cambridge
• 1931: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from St Andrews University
• 1931: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Sheffield
• 1931: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Oxford
• 1932: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Toronto, Canada
• 1934: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Dublin
• 1934: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of London
• 1934: Doctor of Laws (LLD) from University of Liverpool
• Doctor of Laws (LLD) from Princeton University, United States
• Doctor of Laws (LLD) from Harvard University, United States
• Doctor of Laws (LLD) from Yale University, United States

Other Appointments

• 1922: Member of the Privy Council (PC)
• 1933-1959: Chancellor of Oxford University
• 1943-1959: Chancellor of the Order of the Garter
• 1947-1959: Chancellor of the University of Sheffield
• 1957-1959: Grand Master of the Order of St Michael and St George

12. Assessments and Legacy

Halifax, who had a speech impediment and could not pronounce his "r"s, possessed a professional charm and the inherent authority of an aristocrat, further enhanced by his imposing height of 6.4 ft ^{(1.96 m)}. Harold Begbie described him as "the highest kind of Englishman now in politics" whose "life and doctrine were in complete harmony with a very lofty moral principle, but who has no harsh judgement for men who err and go astray." Harold Macmillan noted Halifax's "sweet and Christian nature." Rab Butler characterized him as "this strange and imposing figure-half unworldly saint, half cunning politician."

In 1968, the official records of Halifax's years as Foreign Secretary were released, a consequence of the "thirty-year rule" replacing the previous "fifty-year rule" for government documents. The conservative historian Maurice Cowling argued that Halifax's increasing resistance to Hitler, particularly the Polish guarantee in the spring of 1939, was motivated less by strategic considerations and more by a need to stay ahead of a significant shift in British domestic opinion. Cowling wrote in 1975: "To history, until yesterday, Halifax was the arch-appeaser. This, it is now recognised, was a mistake. His role, however, was complicated. In these pages he is not the man who stopped the rot, but the embodiment of Conservative wisdom who decided that Hitler must be obstructed because Labour could not otherwise be resisted."

David Dutton argues that Halifax, like Chamberlain, was slow to fully grasp the sheer evil of Hitler and was overly confident that negotiation could yield positive results. His period as Foreign Secretary was "the pivot of his career and it remains the period upon which his historical reputation ultimately depends"; just as Eden preserved his reputation by resigning in time, so Halifax damaged his by serving as Foreign Secretary from 1938 to 1940. However, Dutton credits him, stating, "He deserves some credit for abandoning, or at least for decisively modifying, the policy of appeasement." His refusal to seize the premiership in May 1940 is considered "the most significant act of his long career." Dutton further contends that later that month, far from being a potential Quisling, Halifax based his policies on rational considerations, and that "on rational grounds, there had been much to be said for the Foreign Secretary's line that Britain should at least have investigated what peace terms were on offer." Nevertheless, Dutton views his "most important role in public life" as his ambassadorship to the United States, where he helped to smooth a relationship that was "often more fraught than early interpretations... tended to suggest."

Halifax's legacy is also commemorated through institutions named in his honor. Halifax College at the University of York bears his name. Additionally, Lady Irwin College, a women's college in Delhi, was established in 1931 under the patronage of his wife, Dorothy, Lady Irwin.

13. Portrayals in popular culture

Lord Halifax has been depicted in several notable films, reflecting his significant role in historical events. He was portrayed by John Gielgud in Richard Attenborough's acclaimed 1982 film Gandhi, which depicted his time as Viceroy of India and his involvement in negotiations with Mahatma Gandhi concerning Indian independence. More recently, Halifax was portrayed, in a more antagonistic light, by Stephen Dillane in the 2017 film Darkest Hour, which focused on the critical period of Winston Churchill's early premiership during World War II.